AN ECLECTIC LIBRARY.—Christian History.

Philostorgius.

Transcribed by Roger Pearse in 2002 from the edition published by Henry G. Bohn in 1855.

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EPITOME

OF THE

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF PHILOSTORGIUS,

COMPILED BY

PHOTIUS, PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE.

TRANSLATED

BY EDWARD WALFORD, M. A.

LATE SCHOLAR OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.

London: Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Covent Garden.
MDCCCLV.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF PHILOSTORGIUS

BY THE TRANSLATOR.

ALL that is known with certainty of Philostorgius is that he was a native of Cappadocia, and was born of humble parentage about the year A. D. 364. It would seem came to Constantinople in his youth to complete his studies; but it is uncertain whether he was educated for the legal or for the ecclesiastical profession. In later life he composed a History of the Church, comprised in twelve books from the beginning of the Arian schism down to the year AD. 425.

The work itself is no longer extant; but we have an Epitome of it compiled by Photius, who was appointed to the Patriarchal see of Constantinople, A. D. 853, and under whom the schism between the Eastern and Western churches was formally consummated. We have also a short notice of this work in the Bibliotheca of the same learned writer (Myriobiblion, Cod. 40). It is to be observed that Photius, although he was the author of the expulsion of the term "Filioque" from the Nicene Creed, inveighs throughout his Epitome against Philostorgius as a heretic and impious person, and as a friend and apologist of Arius, Eusebius of Nicomedia, Apollinaris, and other heretics of the fourth and fifth centuries.

Philostorgius would seem to have been a person possessed |^p428 of a considerable amount of general information, and he has inserted in his narrative many curious geographical and other details about remote and unknown countries, and more especially about the interior of Asia and Africa. He was rather inclined to credulity, in regard to portents, monsters, prodigies, and other wonderful things, of which he gives accounts at considerable length; and Photius himself vehemently censures him for his absurdity in attributing miracles to those whom the patriarch himself regarded as heretics. He is quoted by Gibbon in the 18th, 19th, and 20th chapters of his "Decline and Fall," not however without a caution against his Arian predilections and his partiality to the cause of Gallus.

The Epitome was translated into Latin, with comments by J. Gothofredus, and published in 4to at Geneva in 1642; as also by H. de Valois, under the title of  "Compendium Historiae Ecclesiasticae Philostorgii, quod dictavit Photius Patriarcha," Paris, 1673, with notes. It has also been translated into French, and published at Paris in 1676, under the title Abregé de l'Histoire de l'Eglise de Philostorge. It appears now for the first time in an English translation.

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO THE ELECTRONIC EDITION (A.D. 2002)

The following notice and short bibliography is taken from J. Quasten, Patrology, vol. 3, pp. 532-4:

Philostorgius was born about 368 at Borissus in Cappadocia Secunda but went at the age of twenty to Constantinople where he spent most of his life. Though a layman he became a follower and warm admirer of Eunomius (cf. above, p. 306).

While at Constantinople he published between 425 and 433 a Church History in twelve books covering the period 300-425 ostensibly a continuation of Eusebius but in reality a late apology for the extreme Arianism of Eunomius. Photius describes (Bibl. cod. 40) its size, content, style and tendency as follows:

Read the so-called Ecclesiastical History by Philostorgius the Arian, the spirit of which is different from that of nearly all other ecclesiastical historians. He extols all Arians, but abuses and insults all the orthodox, so that this work is not so much a history as a panegyric of the heretics, and nothing but a barefaced attack upon the orthodox. His style is elegant, his diction often poetical, though not to such an extent as to be tedious or disagreeable. His figurative use of words is very expressive and makes the work both pleasant and agreeable to read; sometimes, however, these figures are overbold and far-fetched, and create an impression of being frigid and ill-timed. The language is variously embellished even to excess, so that the reader imperceptibly finds himself involved in a disagreeable obscurity. In many instances the author introduces appropriate moral reflections of his own. He starts from the devotion of Arius to the heresy and its first beginnings, and ends with the recall of the impious Aetius. This Aetius was removed from his office by his brother heretics, since he outdid them in wickedness, as Philostorgius himself unwillingly confesses. He was recalled and welcomed by the impious Julian. The history, in one volume and six books, goes down to this period. The author is a liar and the narrative often fictitious. He chiefly extols Aetius and Eunomius for their learning, as having alone cleansed the doctrines of faith overlaid by time, therein showing himself a monstrous liar. He also praises Eusebius of Nicomedia (whom he calls the Great), Theophilus the Indian, and several others, for their lives and wonderful works. He severely attacks Acacius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, for his extreme severity and invincible craftiness, in which, he declares, Acacius surpassed all his fellow-heretics, however filled they were with hatred of one another, as well as those who held different religious opinions. This was the extent of our reading. Soon afterwards six other books were found in another volume, so that the whole appears to have filled twelve books. The initial letters of each book are so arranged that they form the name of the author. The work goes down to the time of Theodosius the Younger, when, after the death of Honorius, Theodosius handed over the throne of the West to his cousin Valentinian the Younger, the son of Constantius and Placidia. Notwithstanding his rage against the orthodox, Philostorgius does not venture to attack Gregory the Theologian [i.e. of Nazianzus], but unwillingly accepts his doctrines. His attempt to slander Basil the Great only had the effect of increasing his reputation. He was forced to admit the vigour and beauty of his sermons from actual knowledge, although he timidly calls Basil overbold and inexperienced in controversy, because he ventured to attack the writings of Eunomius (SPCK) .

Apart from this interesting report Photius published separately an Epitome, a series of excerpts culled from the twelve books. Since Philostorgius' work has perished, this Epitome serves as a skeleton for its reconstruction. It survives in a number of manuscripts whose archetype is Cod. Barocc. 142 s. XIV. Scattered fragments are also extant in the Passio Artemii composed by John of Rhodos in the ninth century, in Suidas and in a Vita Constantini found in Cod. Angelicus 22 and edited by Opitz; still others in the Thesaurus orthodoxae fidei by Nicetas Acominatus, and in two epigrams of the Anthologia Palatina. These remains show that Philostorgius used excellent sources no longer extant, especially documents of Arian origin, which furnish very valuable information for the history of this controversy and its chief personalities. For this reason the loss of the complete text is deplorable despite its bias and inaccuracy.

One of the fragments reveals that Philostorgius wrote earlier a Refutation of Porphyry and an Encomium on Eunomius of which we know nothing.

Editions: MG 65, 459-624. — Crit. ed.: J. BIDEZ, Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte: GCS 21 (1913) 1-150; Anfang der Artemii Passio mit Philostorgius Angaben äber Artemius, ibid. 151-157. — H. G. OPITZ, Die Vita Constantini des Cod. Ang. Gr. 22: Byz 9 (1934) 535-593 (contains the complete text of the Vita with the fragments of Philostorgius). — New fragments: P. HESELER, Neues zur 'Vita Constantini' des Codex Angelicus 22: Byz 10 (1935) 399-402. —J. BIDEZ, Fragments nouveaux de Philostorge sur la vie de Constantin: Byz 10 (1935) 403-442.

Translation: English: E. WALFORD, The Ecclesiastical History of Sozomen... also the Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius as Epitomized by Photius. London, 1855.

Studies: P. BATIFFOL, Fragmente der Kirchengeschichte des Philostorgius: RQ. 3 (1889) 252-289; idem, Die Textäberlieferung der Kirchengeschichte des Philostorgius: RQ 4 (1890) 134-143; idem, Quaestiones Philostorgianae (thesis). Paris, 1891; idem, Un historiographe anonyme arien du IV^e siecle: RQ9 (1895) 57-97 (a source of Philostorgius). — L. JEEP, Zur Ãœberlieferung des Philostorgius (TU 17, 3b, 2). Leipzig, 1899. —J. R. ASMUS, Ein Beitrag zur Rekonstruktion der Kirchengeschichte des Philo-storgios: BZ 4 (1895) 30-44. — J. BIDEZ, GCS 21 (1913) IX-CLXIII (important introductions on manuscripts, sources, life, education and purpose of Philostorgius). J. MARQUART, Die schwarzen Syrer des Philostorgios: ThLZ 38 (1913) 705-709. —G. FRITZ, DTC 12 (1935) 1495-1498.

I believe a new translation of Philostorgius into English is planned, which will include fragments discovered since 1855.

This page contains Walford's text, omitting the indexes to the book since these contain both Sozomen and Philostorgius.  Greek text is rendered using the freeware SpIonic font.  The footnotes have been moved to a separate page, and renumbered.  However the original numbers have been preserved in the footnotes.  The page numbers of Walford are indicated in the text.

Roger Pearse
2002.

|429

The History composed by this author was comprised in twelve books, and the initial letters of each book being put together composed the author's name. Philostorgius commenced his History from the outbreak of the contest between Arius and Alexander, which he regarded as the first cause of the outbreak of the Arian heresy: and he continued it down to the date of the proclamation as emperor of Valentinian the younger, the son of Constantius and Placidia, and the violent  death of John the Tyrant. The History itself was written as an encomium on the heretical party, and an attack and assault upon the orthodox, rather than a history.

EPITOME OF BOOK I.

CHAP. 1.—Philostorgius says that he cannot tell who was the author of the two books which are commonly called those of the Maccabees. But he is especially loud in the praise of their unknown author, inasmuch as the events which he narrates in them are found to correspond exactly with the prophecies of Daniel:¹ and also because of the skill which he |430 shows in explaining how the evil deeds of men reduced the condition of the Jewish people to the lowest depths, just as afterwards it was the valour of other men that retrieved it again; when the Jews resuscitated the spirit in which they had met their enemies of old, and had seen their temple purged of foreign superstitions. The Second Book of Maccabees, however, according to Philostorgius, would seem to be the work of a different writer from the First; and is a mere compendium of what Jason of Cyrene related at length in five books. It gives an account of the war carried on by Judas Maccabeus against Antiochus Epiphanes, and his son named Eupator. But as to the Third Book of the Maccabees, Philostorgius utterly rejects it as monstrous, and as bearing no resemblance to the two former ones. The Fourth Book he asserts to have been the work of Joseph, and to be regarded rather as an encomium upon Eleazar and his seven sons, the Maccabeans, than as a regular history of events.

CHAP. 2.—Though Philostorgius praises Eusebius Pamphilus as well on other grounds as on account of his Ecclesiastical History, yet he accuses him of erroneous opinions in matters relating to religion.² The accusation which he brings against him is to the effect that Eusebius considered the Deity as unintelligible and incomprehensible, and that he was implicated in a variety of other strange opinions. He also bears |431 witness that Eusebius brought down his history to the period when Constantine the Great was succeeded in the empire by his sons.³

CHAP. 3.—The impious Philostorgius says that when the votes of the people were inclining to his own side in the election of an archbishop of Alexandria, Arius preferred Alexander to himself, and so contrived to give him a majority.

CHAP. 4.—He also says that a certain presbyter of Alexandria, who was called Baucalis,⁴ on account of a lump of superfluous flesh which had grown upon his back to the size of an earthen vessel, such as the Alexandrians call "Baucala" in their provincial dialect, having obtained the post of honour among the presbyters next to Arius himself, brought about the beginning of contention between Alexander and Arius, and that it was from this circumstance that the preaching of the Homoöusian⁵ doctrine was devised.⁶

CHAP. 5.—Constantius, the father of Constantine the Great, according to Philostorgius, was proclaimed emperor⁷ of Upper Galatia and the district lying around the Alps; regions which were very remote and difficult of access. This Upper Galatia |432 is now called Gallia or Gaul by the Romans. The death of Constantius occurred in Britain,⁸ which is also called the island of Albion. Constantine succeeded in avoiding the treachery of Diocletian, and finding his father on his deathbed upon his arrival in Britain, he soon after committed his body to the tomb, and was shortly proclaimed his successor in the empire.

CHAP. 6.—As to the cause of the conversion⁹ of Constantine from heathen superstitions to the Christian faith, Philostorgius, in conformity with all other writers, ascribes it to his victory over Maxentius, in a battle in which the sign of the cross was seen in the East, vast in extent and lit up with glorious light, and surrounded on each side by stars like a rainbow, symbolizing the form of letters. The letters too were in the Latin tongue and formed these words, "In hoc signo vinces."¹⁰ |433  

CHAP. 7.—Philostorgius says that before the synod at Nicaea, Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, came to Nicomedia, and after a convention with Hosius¹¹ of Cordova and the other bishops who were with him, prevailed upon the synod to declare the Son consubstantial with the Father, and to expel Arius from the communion of the church.

CHAP. 8.—Not long after this, the synod of Nicaea was held; at this synod, over and above the other high priests of God, Basileus,¹² bishop of Amasea, and Meletius,¹³ bishop of Sebastopolis, were present. 

CHAP. 9.—Philostorgius also confesses that all the bishops consented to the exposition of the faith made at Nicaea, with the exception of Secundus,¹⁴ bishop of Ptolemais, and Theon, bishop of Marmarica. But the rest of the band of Arian bishops, such as Eusebius of Nicomedia, (whom Philostorgius calls the Great,) Theognis of Nicaea, end Tharis of Chalcedon, and all the others, embraced the sentence of the council, though with a fraudulent and treacherous purpose, (as Philostorgius admits,) for under the term ὁμοούσιος they secretly introduced that of ὁμοιούσιος.¹⁵ But still they did not refuse submission to the decrees of the synod, though Constantina, the emperor's sister, suggested this counsel to them.

CHAP. 10.—Philostorgius adds that Secundus, on going into exile, said to Eusebius, "You subscribed, Eusebius, in order to escape being sent into banishment: but I place my confidence in a revelation made to me by God, that within a year you will be sent into exile too." In point of fact, within three months after the conclusion of the synod, Eusebius was ^|434 sent into exile according to the prediction of Secundus, upon returning to his own original and manifest impiety.

EPITOME OF BOOK II.

CHAP. I.—PHILOSTORGIUS falsely relates, that after the general council and the recantation of the Eusebians, and their open return to the orthodox faith, the emperor Constantine punished them, because, while they subscribed to the Homoousian faith, they entertained sentiments at variance with it,¹⁶ and on the other band, that he recalled Secundus and his associates from banishment, and sent letters in every direction, exploding the term "Homoousios," and confirming the doctrine of a diversity of substance. He adds that Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, subscribed these letters, and that on this account Arius communicated with him. But when all fear on account of the emperor was at an end, Alexander returned to his original sentiments, while Arius and those who joined with him in his opinions seceded from communion with Alexander and the church.

CHAP. 2.—He says that Arius, after his secession from the church, composed several songs to be sung by sailors, and by millers,¹⁷ and by travellers along the high road, and others of the same kind, which he adapted to certain tunes, as he thought suitable in each separate case, and thus by degrees seduced the minds of the unlearned by the attractiveness of his songs to the adoption of his own impiety.

  CHAP. 3.—Though Philostorgius extols Arius to the skies for impugning the Divinity of the Son, yet he asserts that the latter is involved in the most absurd errors, because he everywhere affirms that God cannot be known, or comprehended, or conceived by the human mind; and not only by men, (which perhaps were an evil more easy to endure,) but also not even by His own only-begotten Son. And lie asserts that not only Arius, but also a large body of his followers, were carried ^|435 away into this absurd error at the same time. For with the exception of Secundus and Theonas, and the disciples of the martyr Lucian, namely Leontius, Antonius, and Eusebius of Nicomedia, the rest of the impious band of heretics adopted this opinion.

CHAP. 4.—Philostorgius asserts that Constantine was induced by the fraudulent artifices of his step-mother to put his son Crispus to death;¹⁸ and afterwards, upon detecting her in the act of adultery with one of his Cursores, ordered the former to be suffocated in a hot bath. He adds, that long afterwards Constantine was poisoned by his brothers during his stay at Nicomedia, by way of atonement for the violent death of Crispus. 

CHAP. 5.—He also says that Urphilas¹⁹ brought over as settlers to the Roman territory a large body of persons who had been driven out of their ancient abodes for the sake of their religion. These came from among the Scythians, north of the Ister, and were formerly called Getae, though now they are better known as Goths. And he asserts that this race of men were brought over to the faith of Christ in the following manner. While Valerian and Gallienus were administering the empire, a large multitude of Scythians, who lived north of the Ister, made an incursion into the Roman territory, and laid waste a great part of. Europe by their predatory excursions and afterwards having crossed over into Asia, invaded Cappadocia and Galatia. Here they took a large quantity of prisoners, among whom were not a few ecclesiastics; and they returned to their own country laden with spoils and booty. These pious captives, by their intercourse with the barbarians, brought over a great number of the latter to the true faith, and persuaded them to embrace the Christian religion in the place of heathen superstitions. Of the number of these ^|436 captives were the ancestors of Urphilas himself, who were of Cappadocian descent, deriving their origin from a village called Sada­golthina, near time city of Parnassus. This Urphilas, then, was the header of this pious band which came out from among the Goths, and became eventually their first bishop. The following was the method of his appointment. Being sent by the then king of the Goths on an embassy to the court of the emperor Constantine, (for the barbarous tribes in those parts were subject to the emperor,) he was ordained bishop of the Christians among time Goths, by Eusebius and the other prelates that were with him. Accordingly he took the greatest care of them in many ways, and amongst others, he reduced their language to a written form, and translated into their vulgar tongue all the books of holy Scripture, with the exception of the Books of Kings, which he omitted, because they are a mere narrative of military exploits, and the Gothic tribes were especially fond of war, and were in more need of restraints to check their military passions than of spurs to urge them on to deeds of war. But those books have the greatest influence in exciting the minds of readers, inasmuch as they are regarded with great veneration, and are adapted to lead the hearts of believers to the worship of God. This multitude of converts were located by the emperor in the different parts of Moesia, as he thought best, and he held Urphilas himself in such high honour, that he would often speak of him in conversation as the Moses of his day. Philostorgius is loud in his praises of this Urphilas;²⁰ and asserts that both he ^|437 and the Goths who were under his spiritual rule, were followers of his own heretical opinions.

CHAP. 6.—The impious Philostorgius relates that the Christians in Central India,²¹ who were converted to the faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Bartholomew, believe that the Son is not of the same substance with the Father. He adds that Theophilus the Indian,²² who had embraced this opinion,²³ came to them, and delivered it to them as a doctrine; and also that these Indians are now called Homeritae,²⁴ instead of their old name of Sabaeans, which they received from the city of Saba, the chief city of the whole nation.

CHAP. 7.—Philostorgius says, that Eusebius,²⁵ Maris, and Theognis, after a period of three years spent in banishment, were recalled by command of the emperor, and immediately put forth an heretical form of faith, and sent it in every direction, in order to counteract the Nicene Creed. He adds, that Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria, was deposed ²⁶ and excommunicated by the same parties, because he afterwards returned to the Homoousian faith; but that Eustathius,²⁷ bishop of Antioch, was deposed by them on different grounds, namely, on a charge of having attempted the chastity of a certain woman, and seduced her; upon this the emperor condemned him to banishment, and sent him into the western parts of the empire. As to the rest, he writes, that in this illegitimate council there were no less than two hundred and fifty bishops, and that Nicomedia was the workshop where they contrived all their evil deeds.  ^|438 

CHAP. 8.—Concerning Agapetus,²⁸ a follower of his own peculiar heretical sect., who was originally a soldier, then a priest of his sect, and eventually became bishop of Synada, he tells many wonderful stories; he says, for example, that many dead men were raised by him to life again, and that he expelled and healed many maladies of various kinds. He adds that many other wonderful things were done by him, and that by his exertions many of the Gentiles were converted to the Christian religion.

CHAP. 9.—He says that, in the twenty-eighth year²⁹ of his reign, Constantine turned Byzantium into the city of Constantinople; and that, when he went to mark out the circuit of the city,³⁰ he walked round it with a spear in his hand; and that when his attendants thought that he was measuring out too large a space, one of them came up to him and asked him, "How far, O prince?" and that the emperor answered, "Until he who goes before me conies to a stop;" by this answer clearly manifesting that some heavenly power was heading him on, and teaching him what he ought to do. Philostorgius adds, that Constantine, after building the city, called it "Alma Roma," which means in the Latin tongue, "Glorious." He also states, that the emperor established there a senate, and distributed among the citizens a copious allowance of corn, and adorned the city in other particulars with such sumptuous magnificence, that it became a rival to ancient Rome in splendour.

CHAP. 10.—He states, that on the decease of Alexander, the bishop of this city, Eusebius,³¹ bishop of Nicomedia, was translated to the episcopal chair of the newly erected metropolis.

CHAP. 11.—The impious contriver of lies asserts, that after the death of Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, the votes of the prelates were not unanimous, and that when there was a diversity |439 of sentiment, and a considerable amount of time had been spent in altercation, the divine Athanasius suddenly appeared one evening in the church called after Dionysius, and finding there two Egyptian bishops, firmly closed the doors with the assistance of some of his followers, and so was ordained by them,³² though strongly against the will of the the ordainers. For a power from above fell upon them, and so constrained their will and powers that what Athanasius wished; was at once done. Philostorgius adds, that the remainder of the bishops then present anathematized Athanasius on account of this transaction; and that the latter, having first thoroughly strengthened his cause, addressed to the emperor certain letters relating to his ordination, in the name of the entire state; and that the emperor, thinking that the letters in question were written by the assembly of the Alexandrians, ratified the election with his own approval. Afterwards, however, upon being informed of the details of the transaction, he sent Athanasius to Tyre, a city of Phoenicia, to give account of the matter before a synod which was assembled there. And Philostorgius writes, that Athanasius gave way before the threats of the emperor. At length, however, upon arriving at Tyre, he was unwilling to submit to a legal inquiry, but fraudulently suborned a certain harlot, whose belly proclaimed her shame, and laid his plots against Eusebius, who was regarded as the head and chief of the assembly,³³ thinking doubtless that he would escape from trial, and avoid the sentence of the synod, in the midst of the tumult and commotion which he thought in all probability would be raised. But our author, so partial to liars, writes that the fraud was openly detected in the very same manner, as the orthodox party say the harlot was detected who had been suborned by the heretics to give evidence against the great Athanasius. For he says that Eusebius asked the harlot if she knew the person who had defiled her; and that upon her answering that she knew him well, Eusebius again asked her whether the party in question was present |440 among the episcopal assembly. She answered, "Spare evil words, my lord; I should be mad, if I were to accuse such holy men of such foul lust." From this the truth was elucidated, and so the whole of the fraudulent conspiracy was brought to light. Thus, says Philostorgius, Eusebius showed himself superior to every calumny that was brought forward, but Athanasius, who had hoped to escape trial altogether, went away after having been convicted of a double crime, not merely an illegal ordination, but also a foul calumny; and so, by the common consent of all, a sentence of deposition was passed against him. Athanasius, however, went on unblushingly, and ventured to assert that the sentence of deposition and the calumnious stories thrown in his teeth were equally untrue, being mere fabrications of the hatred and ill-will of the bishops assembled in the synod, because he refused to receive ordination at their hands. On this account the emperor, he adds, charged a second synod of bishops to examine into the cause of Athanasius; and the latter added some fresh charges to the original calumnies. For they said. that Callinicus the confessor, and bishop of Pelusium, had been loaded by him with iron chains and sent into confinement, and that Athanasius did not cease to treat him with contumely, until he had fairly removed him out of his way. Then also the hand of Armenius was brought into court, and Mareotes and Ischyras came forward, and the sacred cup and other stories of a like kind were devised. For these reasons, he says, Athanasius was excommunicated by the synod, and Gregory the Cappadocian substituted in his place.³⁴ Such are the stories of this lover of untruth against the holy Athanasius.

CHAP. 12.—He says that Helen, the mother of the emperor, built the city which was called Helenopolis,³⁵ at the entrance of the. Gulf of Nicomedia: and that the reason of her great predilection for the spot, was because the body of the martyr Lucian was carried thither by a dolphin after his death by martyrdom. |441

CHAP. 13.—He says that when this martyr Lucian was about to die, and was debarred from the church and the altar by the hand of tyranny, and when chains and stripes forbade him even to move, he lay upon his back and offered the venerable sacrifice upon his own breast, and so partook himself, and gave his companions the opportunity of receiving likewise of the unspotted sacrifice. This act of sacrifice was performed in the prison, and the holy band of Christians who stood as it were around his dying bed, at the same time represented the church, and afforded a screen to prevent the heathen from seeing what was being done.

CHAP. 14.—Philostorgius recounts many other disciples of this martyr Lucian, and especially Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, Maris, bishop of Chalcedon, and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea; and also Leontius, who afterwards became bishop of Antioch, and Antonius of Tarsus in Cilicia; likewise Menophantus, Numenius, and Eudoxius, together with Alexander and Asterius the Cappadocian; of whom he says that they yielded to the violence of tyrants so far as to offer sacrifice to the gods of the heathen; but afterwards made amends for their lapse, their master himself assisting to bring them to repentance.

CHAP. 15.—Out of the above-mentioned individuals he specifies Antonius and Leontius as having preserved their piety pure and unsullied; but as for Eusebius, Maris, and Theognis, they were brought into collision with the Nicene symbol, but afterwards returned to their original opinions. But Maris, after returning to the orthodox belief, fell afterwards into another grievous error. In like manner, too, Theognis, who held that God was the Father even before he had begotten the Son, inasmuch as he had the power of begetting him. Of Asterius he says that he interpolated the doctrine of Lucian, affirming in his writings and orations that the Son is the image of the Father's substance, and in no way differing from him.³⁶

CHAP. 16.—He says that Constantine, having entered |442 upon the thirty-second year of his reign, was poisoned by his brothers at Nicomedia. And that when his end drew near, and the plot was discovered, he drew up a testament enjoining that the authors of his death should be punished, and ordering that whichever of his sons should first arrive, should proceed to take measures against them, lest his children too should be destroyed by a like conspiracy. He further adds, that the document itself which contained these instructions, was intrusted to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia; but that the latter, being alarmed lest the emperor's brothers should make search for it, and wish to know what was written in it, placed the tablet in the hands of the deceased emperor, and concealed it beneath his clothes. Accordingly when they had come, as Eusebius expected they would, to search for the tablet which contained the will, Eusebius answered that he had. indeed received it, but that he had immediately returned it into the hands of the emperor. Afterwards, however, this same Eusebius, having again taken away the tablet, deposited it in the hands of Constantius the son of Constantine, who was the first of the brothers to arrive; and who not long afterwards put into execution the instructions contained in his father's will.

CHAP. 17.—This impious enemy of God also accuses the Christians of offering sacrifices³⁷ to an image of Constantine placed upon a column of porphyry, and of honouring it with lighted lamps and incense, and of offering vows to it as to God, and making supplications to it to ward off calamities.

CHAP. 18.—He writes also, that after the death of Constantine the Great, when all who were in exile in various parts had obtained permission to return, Athanasius, too, returned³⁸ from Gaul to Alexandria, and hearing of the death of Gregory, landed and went straight from the ship, just as he was, to the church, and took his episcopal seat, without showing any regard to those who had deposed him. |443 

EPITOME OF BOOK III.

CHAP. l.—Philostorgius says that Constans,³⁹ the eldest of the sons of Constantine, plotted against the life of his brother Constantine the younger, and that the latter, together with his generals, was defeated and put to death, and his portion of the empire added to that of Constans.

CHAP. 2.—Philostorgius is loud in his praise of Constantius, and says that he built at Constantinople the church which is deservedly called "the Great." He also writes that he translated the remains of St. Andrew the apostle from Achaia to the church which he had erected, and which was called that of "the Holy Apostles;"⁴⁰ as also that he erected near it a tomb in honour of his father. And lastly, he adds, that the body of the apostle Timothy was translated from Ephesus in Ionia to the same renowned and venerable church by the command of the same Constantius.

CHAP. 3.—Philostorgius says that Constantius, having learned that Athanasius had again taken possession of the see of Alexandria, expelled him from that city, and issued a mandate ordering that George the Cappadocian should be elected in his room. Accordingly, he adds that Athanasius, in fear of the emperor's threats and the snares of his enemies, betook himself again to the emperor of the West. 

CHAP. 4.—He says that Constantius sent ambassadors⁴¹ to those who were formerly called Sabaeans, but are now known as Homeritae,⁴² a tribe which is descended from Abraham by Keturah. As to the territory which they inhabit, he says that it is called by the Greeks "Arabia Magna" and "Arabia Felix," and that it extends into the most distant part of the ocean. Its metropolis, lie says, is Saba, the city from which |444 the queen of Sheba went forth to see Solomon. This tribe is part of the Israelitish family, and practises circumcision on the eighth day; but they also offer sacrifices to the sun and moon, and to the native gods of the country. Constantius accordingly sent an embassage to them, in order to induce them to come over to the true religion. The king determined, in pursuance of his plan, to conciliate the king of that people by magnificent presents and words of gentle persuasion, and thence to take an opportunity forthwith of sowing the seeds of religion. He also asked for licence to build churches on behalf of the Romans who came thither by sea, and the inhabitants of the country who wished to embrace time Christian faith. At the head of this embassy was placed Theophilus the Indian, who had been sent when very young as a hostage from the Divaeans to the Romans when Constantine was at the head of the empire. The island called Divus,⁴³ is a portion of their territory, and the inhabitants of it are called Indians. Further, he relates that this Theophilus, having passed a long life among the Romans, formed his character upon a pattern of the most strict amid perfect virtue, and embraced the true faith concerning God; but, he adds, that he chose the monastic life, and was promoted to the diaconate at the hands of Eusebius. Thus much as to his early life. But afterwards, having undertaken this embassy, he was invested, by the men of his own party, with the episcopal⁴⁴ dignity. But Constantius, wishing to array the embassy with peculiar splendour, put on board of their ships two hundred well-bred horses from Cappadocia, and sent with them many other gifts, with the double view of making an imposing show and of conciliating the feelings of the people. Accordingly, Theophilus, on his arrival among the Sabaeans, endeavoured to persuade the ruler of the tribe |445 to become a Christian, and to give over the deceits of heathenism. Hereupon, the customary fraud and malice of tire Jews was compelled to shrink into deep silence, as soon as ever Theophilus had once or twice proved by his wonderful miracles the truth of the Christian faith. The embassy turned out successfully; for the prince of the nation, by sincere conviction, came over to the true religion, and built three churches in the district, not, however, with the money which the emperor's ambassadors had brought with them, but out of sums which he voluntarily supplied out of his private resources, with a laudable strife to show that his own zeal was a match for the wonders performed by Theophilus. One of these churches he erected in a place called Tapharum, the metropolis of tire nation: another in the place where the mart of Roman commerce stood, lying towards the outer sea. This place is called Adane; and it is the spot where everybody is in the habit of landing on coming out of the Roman territories.  The third church he built in another part of the district, where the mart of Persian commerce stands, hard by the mouth of the Persian Sea, which lies along those parts.

CHAP. 5.—Theophilus, having arranged everything among the Homeritae according to his ability and circumstances, and having dedicated the churches, and adorned them with such decorations as he could, crossed over to the island of Divus, which, as we above showed, was his native country.  Thence he made his way to the other districts of India, and corrected many disorders among their inhabitants. For they listened to the reading of the Gospel in a sitting posture,⁴⁵ and used other customs repugnant to the Divine law. But Theophilus, having corrected everything among them according to a religious rule, confirmed the doctrine of the church. For, with regard to the worship of the Divine Being, as that impious writer asserts, they needed no correction, inasmuch as from the earliest antiquity they constantly professed to believe the Son to be of a different substance from the Father. |446 

CHAP. 7.—Philostorgius says, that among other large rivers, the Tigris falls into the inner part of the Persian Sea, |447 which is here connected with the ocean. The shores of this sea are surrounded by many nations; and the river itself runs in a south-easterly direction, below the Hyrcanian Sea, and appears to take its rise among the Cordiaeans. Thence it flows along the side of Syria,⁴⁸ and upon reaching the district of Susis, it joins the waters of the Euphrates with its own, and thence flowing on with a deep and rapid stream, it rushes on with a violent roar of its eddies, from which circumstance they say it derives its name of Tigris.⁴⁹ Before, however, it reaches the sea, it divides its waters into two large channels; and thence it flows into the Persian Sea, the extreme points of its mouths being so far distant from each other, that the two mouths embrace between them a large extent of country. This is an island; it is washed both by the rivers and the sea, and it is inhabited by a tribe called Messenians.

CHAP. 8.—The Euphrates, however, to all appearance, takes its rise among the Armenians; in this region stands the Mount of Ararat, so called even to the present day by the Armenians,—the same mount on which the Holy Scripture says that the ark rested. Many fragments of the wood and nails of which the ark was composed are said to be still preserved in those localities. This is the place where the Euphrates takes its rise. At first it is but a small stream, but gradually increases in size, and absorbing into itself many other tributary rivers which flow into it, it passes through Upper and Lower Armenia in its onward course. First of all it cuts Syria Euphratensis, so called after the river. Afterwards, however, it cuts its way through the rest of Syria, winding along with many varied folds in every region which it passes through, until it reaches Arabia, where it takes a circular course, when nearly opposite to the Red Sea; and embracing in its windings a large tract of country, finally turns its course towards the wind called Caecias, or Northeast, and falls into the Tigris. Here its waters do not entirely mingle with those of the Tigris; but though partly absorbed in it, it flows parallel to the Tigris with the largest |448 portion of its waters, and finally mixes with the Tigris near about Susa; and thenceforward, the Euphrates having lost its independent name, the two rivers flow, conjointly into the Persian Gulf. The district which lies between these two rivers, the Euphrates, namely, and the Tigris, is called Mesopotamia.

CHAP. 9.—The sources of the Euphrates and the Tigris, so far as we have been able to ascertain, are such as we have related. But our sacred books, when they say that these rivers flow out of Paradise, speak most truly. For it is from this place that they derive their first supplies of water; inasmuch as after having traversed some distance in all probability above-ground, they afterwards pass into a large sandy desert, where they sink deep into the sand, and do not cease from this downward course, until they reach the firm rocky soil, of which that region consists : the base of this region affords a check on their downward course, and so they each gather their waters together and rush onwards, making their course all the more straight on account of the force and magnitude of their accumulating waters. But these rivers flowing beneath the ground, being partially absorbed by the sand of the intermediate district, burst forth again with a considerably diminished supply of water. It is not, however, after all so incredible a thing, that these rivers should flow so long a distance underground. For there are found everywhere the largest and most rapid streams and rivers whose course is under-ground, as is clear from the fact that their sound is heard as they rush on with loud murmurs and roarings. Moreover, some persons in their attempts to sink wells in the ground above these rivers, when they had gradually dug down to the rocky soil which resisted their efforts, beneath which the roaring waves endeavoured to force an egress upwards, were with difficulty rescued by those who stood above at the brink of the well, for the water burst forth in a torrent, which was intercepted by no subsequent drought, on account of the perpetual supply of water. For the secret wisdom of God has rendered the very courses of rivers, some occult and others open to the view, like veins supplying the necessary blood in the body. Whence also the prophet David sings, "He hath founded it upon the seas, and hath prepared it upon the floods,"⁵⁰ enclosing the seas |449 like treasures in the embraces of the largest tracts of land, and supplying them with a firm bottom for supporting the vast mass and multitude of waters which are collected in them. But to rivers, by a wise arrangement, he has ever given a free course : affording a passage to the onward current of their waters by the depression of certain localities, and by declivities from the higher to the lower parts.

CHAP. 10.—Philostorgius, going entirely upon conjecture, writes, that the situation of Paradise was towards the east;⁵¹ and he so conjectures, firstly, because in the first place the parts to the south of it are all inhabited as far as the outer sea, which the sun scorches with his perpendicular rays; (this is what is called the Middle, or Torrid, Zone;) and, secondly, because the river now called the Hyphasis, and which is called Pison in the Holy Scriptures, itself taking its rise out of Paradise, seems to flow from the northern parts of the east down towards the south, and to pour its waters into the ocean there, opposite to the island of Taprobana. On the banks of this river is found the fruit, or flower, which is known under the name of Karyophyllum. The inhabitants of those parts believe that it formerly grew in Paradise; and, moreover, all the district above them is especially desert and barren. But as the river produces that fruit, it would seem clear that the river runs entirely above-ground, and that it nowhere has a subterranean channel, for else it could not produce the plant which grows there. And further still, this river shows another sign of its connexion above-ground with Paradise; for they say, that if a man bathe in its waters when he is suffering under the most burning fever, he immediately recovers. On the other hand, the Tigris and Euphrates, as flowing under-ground and then emerging again, can bring down their streams no production of those parts, as the Hyphasis does. No, nor even the Nile; and yet the Nile also flows out of Paradise, according to the oracles of Moses, in which it is called Ghion, though the Greeks named it Aegyptius. This river then, if one may conjecture, takes its rise in Paradise, and before reaching any inhabited region, its waters are absorbed by the sand, whence it makes its way secretly into the Indian Sea, and there takes a sort of circular course,—for what man knows anything accurately concerning this matter, |450 —and then passing under all the intervening continent, makes its hidden passage into the Red Sea, on the other side of which it eventually appears again beneath the mountain which is called after the Moon. There it is said to form two great fountains, situated at no great distance from each other, and throwing their waters up to a great height from below. The river then falls down a steep ridge of cliffs and passes through Aethiopia into Egypt.

CHAP. 11.—He says that the whole district which lies to the east and the south, though parched up with the excessive heat, brings forth by far the finest and best productions, both by land and sea. For the sea teems with whales of incredible size, which are often seen as they rise out of the sea by those who sail around the coasts. The land also produces elephants of prodigious and gigantic size, and those which are called bull-elephants. As to this kind of beast, it is an ox of huge magnitude, and has a hide in colour and thickness closely resembling that of the elephant. This animal I saw with my own eyes, when it was brought to Rome; and I simply describe what I beheld. There are also among them serpents whose bodies are as thick as beams, and extending in length as much as fifteen fathoms;⁵² for I have seen their skins brought to Rome. There is also an animal called a unicorn which is found in these parts. It has a head like a serpent, with the exception of a single crooked horn of no great size which grows upon it; and its whole chin is covered with a beard. Its neck is lengthy and reaches high aloft, and especially resembles the folds of a serpent : but the rest of its body more nearly approaches that of a stag, with the exception of its feet, which are those of a lion. A picture of this animal is to be seen at Constantinople. Moreover, the cameleopard is a production of this region : this beast is in most respects like a very large stag, but in its height it approximates the form of the camel. Its neck, which it carries high aloft, is long beyond proportion to the rest of its body; and the whole of its skin from head to foot is dappled with spots like a leopard. Its fore legs are much taller than its hind ones. In these parts too there is a kind of ape, called the aesopithecus; for the ape tribe comprises a variety of kinds. There is, for |451 instance, the arctopithecus and the leontopithecus, and the dog-headed ape; for the ape form is found conjoined with a variety of other animals, as is evident from the various specimens of the ape tribe which are brought to us. Of this kind is the deity called Pan, who resembles a goat in his head, face, and horns, and from his middle downwards; while in his breast, his belly, and his hands he is almost a perfect ape. One of these animals was sent by the king of the Indians as a present to the emperor Constantine; it lived a little while and was carried about as a sight, enclosed in a cage on account of its ferocity. After its death, those who had the care of it embalmed its body in salt for the purpose of turning the strange sight to account, and they took it safe and entire to Constantinople. It seems to me that the Greeks must once upon a time have seen this monster, and, amazed at the strangeness of its appearance, adopted it as a god, in accordance with their ordinary practice of making a god out of everything strange and wonderful. This they clearly did in the case of the satyr, which is of the ape tribe, with a red face, and restless motion, and furnished with a tail. The sphinx, too, is a kind of ape, as I myself can testify from what I have seen. The rest of the body of the sphinx is covered with hair, just as all other apes, but from its head to its breast it is free from hair, and has the breasts of a woman. Where its body is bare, it has a raised portion of red, like millet, running round it, which elegantly harmonizes with the fleshy colour in the middle, and improves it. Its face is tolerably round, and inclining to the form of a woman. Its voice is very like the human voice, though not articulate; it most nearly approximates that of a woman uttering her words in a hurried and indistinct manner under the influence of anger and grief, and it is rather flat than sharp; the beast moreover is very savage and cunning, and cannot be tamed without difficulty. This beast, I imagine, was formerly carried to Thebes in Boeotia, and having flown at several of the spectators who came together to view it, and having torn their faces, Oedipus slew the monster, because he was indignant at seeing his fellow-citizens thus mangled; and so, as it seems to me, he gained his high renown. But in order to exaggerate the praises of Oedipus, the story makes out that the animal was winged, because it flew violently at the spectators; it adds the breast of a woman and the body |452 of a lion, because the former was bare and closely approximated to the female figure, and as to the latter, because it was fierce and generally went upon all four feet. The story also represented it as endued with reason, because its voice approached so nearly to that of man; and attributed to it enigmas, because it uttered indistinct sounds and inarticulate words. And the whole of this matter is not to be wondered at, considering that the Greeks are accustomed to distort many other stories also into a fabulous form.⁵³ This region produces also wild asses of lofty stature, and with skins wonderfully variegated with a mixture of black and white. For they have certain coloured streaks running down from their backs to their sides and belly, and then separating, which mutually connecting form a strange intermixture and variety. The phoenix too, a bird so celebrated in story, is found among them. I have also seen a parrot brought from those parts; this bird is the most loquacious of all, and its voice approache? very nearly to that of man. I have seen also some painted and spotted birds which are commonly called Garamantides, (by a name borrowed from the African tribe,) very many of which are brought over to us. Many other animals besides of a remarkable character come from the same districts, but I shrink from recounting them in my present narrative. Above all, the purest gold is obtained there, with golden fibre?, as it were, springing out of the ground, layers of which are piled upon layers, and show the clearest proofs of the production of gold. Their fruits too are very large and fine; among these the most remarkable are the nuts. And in a word, the whole region of the Homeritae, even to the Red Sea itself, brings forth its produce twice every year, from which circumstance it is called Arabia Felix. But speaking generally, nil that district which lies toward the east is far superior to the remaining regions in every respect. But Paradise, as being the most pure and excellent spot of all the East, and endued with the brightest and fairest climate, and irrigated by the most limpid of streams, is beyond a doubt incomparably superior to all other portions of the habitable globe, lying |453 as it does towards the east, and washed by the waves of the sea.

CHAP. 12.—Philostorgius says that Athanasius reached the emperor of the West, and having used presents in order to propitiate the nobles of his palace, and especially Eustathius, chamberlain of his privy purse, who had very great weight with the emperor, produced letters from Constans to Constantius⁵⁴ to the following purport. "Athanasius comes to us and shows by manifest proofs that the bishopric of Alexandria belongs to him, wherefore allow him to obtain possession of it, or certainly he shall recover it by the assistance of my arms." He adds that, on receipt of this letter, Constantius convened the bishops in order to deliberate with them as to what should be done; and that they advised Constantius that it was better to leave Alexandria smarting under the severe yoke of Athanasius, than to undertake a war against his brother. Constantius therefore, he adds, allowed Athanasius to recover his see, and sent a letter to George, summoning him to his presence. George returned into his native country, Cappadocia, and there busied himself with the administration of his own private affairs. But Athanasius henceforth passed through the cities with greater confidence, and by his discourse brought over all the separate bishops with whom he had any intercourse to the Homoousian faith. He writes, however, that certain other bishops did not pay deference to the words of Athanasius,⁵⁵ and that Aetius,⁵⁶ a bishop of Palestine, who had been accused of fornication, endeavoured to avoid the charge by coming over to the communion of Athanasius, and so ranged himself upon his side; but that he soon paid the penalty of his sin, for that a disease seized upon his genitals, and producing worms, in the end deprived him of |454 life. He writes also that Maximus,⁵⁷ bishop of Jerusalem, inclined to the side of Athanasius, although in the persecution under Maximian he had become illustrious as a confessor, and had had one eye put out. He adds that Athanasius by degrees brought several others also over to his doctrine.

CHAP. 13.—He says that Flavian of Antioch was the first who collected together a large band of monks, and uttered aloud the doxology, "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost."⁵⁸ For among those who had gone before him, some had been accustomed to say, "Glory be to the Father through the Son in the Holy Ghost," and that this latter form of doxology was the one more customarily received. He says that others again used a different form, saying, "Glory be to the Father, in the Son, and in the Holy Ghost,"

CHAP. 14.—He says that the Arians, though they differed in their doctrinal statements from those who preached the Catholic faith, were nevertheless accustomed to communicate with them in prayers, hymns, and deliberations, and in everything except the mystic sacrifice. As soon, however, as Aetius came and began the contention on these points, he persuaded the multitude of his followers⁵⁹ to break the bands of amity and friendship which had formerly bound them to the Homoousians, and to range themselves as a faction in entire opposition to them.

CHAP. 15.—He says that Aetius⁶⁰ came from Coele-Syria. |455 His father, who had held a post in the victualling department of the army, failed in his business; and upon his dying insolvent, the governor of the province to which he belonged paid the proceeds of his effects into the imperial treasury. Thus it happened that Aetius was left at a very early age, together with his mother, in a state of extreme destitution; on this account he was obliged to follow the trade of gilding to provide a maintenance for his mother and himself. He had followed this art for a considerable time, when, on account of his superior intelligence, he began to turn his attention to the study of philosophy. In the first instance he became the disciple of Paulinus,⁶¹ who had been translated to the see of Antioch from that of Tyre. Afterwards, however, upon the death of his mother, on whose account more especially he followed his trade as a gilder, Aetius began to apply himself entirely to the study of logic; nor was it long before he began to show himself superior to his fellows in disputation, which was the cause of more than ordinary ill-will being roused against him. As long as Paulinus lived, this envious feeling was kept in check; but upon his death, after having held the bishopric for the short space of six months, Eulalius ⁶² was appointed to the see in his room, and the old grudge against Aetius broke out afresh with such violence that Eulalius was induced to banish him from Antioch. Accordingly Aetius went to Anagarbus, a city of Cilicia, and again resorted to the practice of his craft in order to maintain himself; at the same time, however, he did not wholly abstain from disputations with such as desired to enter upon them with him. At this conjuncture, a certain grammarian was so struck with admiration at his |456 ability that he offered to teach him the rudiments of his art, and Aetius became an inmate of his home, and performed for him the menial duties of the house. He willingly instructed Aetius in the first principles of grammar; but when at length Aetius had publicly confuted his master, showing that he gave a wrong interpretation to the Divine oracles, and had covered him with shame on account of his want of skill in expounding, he was rewarded for his pains by being expelled from the house that owed him so much. After this expulsion, he lived for some time with Athanasius, a disciple of the martyr Lucian. who at that time was bishop of Anagarbus. Under him he read the writings of the evangelists, and made himself perfect master of their contents; this done, he found his way to Tarsus, in order to see Anthony, who had himself been one of the disciples of Lucian. From him he learned the interpretation of St. Paul's Epistles, and lived with him for some space of time, while he as yet held the rank of a mere presbyter. But upon his elevation to the episcopate, Anthony found that he had no time to devote to the instruction of Aetius; so the latter returned to Antioch, in order to become the disciple of Leontius, who was at that time a presbyter at Antioch, and had been one of the pupils of Lucian. He expounded to Aetius the books of "the Prophets," and especially Ezekiel. But again ill-will, as Philostorgius dreams, or rather, as one might say with greater truth, his own unbridled tongue, and the impious nature of his doctrines, drove him from the city. Thence accordingly Aetius took his departure into Cilicia, where one of the heretical sect of the Borboriani entirely overcame and confounded him in a disputation in defence of his doctrines. On this account he began to be cast down in spirit, and to feel that life was no longer worth living for, seeing that he found falsehood to be more powerful than truth. While Aetius was in this state of mind, as Philostorgius declares, a vision appeared to him, which raised him up again, and confirmed his mind; for it showed him by certain external signs the indomitable strength of the wisdom which should hereafter be imparted to him. From that time forward Aetius had a special gift from God, which saved him from defeat in his disputations. Not long afterwards a certain man named Aphthonius, a leader of the mad heresy of the Manichaeans, and who had gained great renown for his wisdom as well as |457 for his eloquence, met him in the city of Alexandria, for the curiosity of Aetius was so much excited by his fame that he had actually gone thither from Antioch to see him. But upon coming to a regular discussion, Aetius very shortly dumbfounded Aphthonius, and reduced hirn to deep shame from the pinnacle of glory. Aphthonius was so grievously afflicted by the suddenness of his defeat that he fell into a dangerous sickness, on which death shortly ensued, his bodily strength not being able to bear up against it for more than seven days. But Aetius went on everywhere overcoming his adversaries, and gaining the most illustrious victories. At the same time, he gave himself up to the study of medicine,⁶³ that he might be able to cure diseases not of the soul only, but also of the body. He had also, as a master in this line, Sopolis, a man inferior to none of his day in his art. But if at any time he chanced to be in want of necessaries, he would go by night to some artisan of his former trade, that he might not be hindered from attending to more important business during the day, and quickly finished anything of gold that needed a skilful hand, and so getting his pay from the goldsmith, he supported life. But this all happened in the reign of Constantius, at the same time when Theophilus was staying at Antioch, after his return from India.

CHAP. 16.—He says that Aetius, in a discussion upon consubstantiality, which he maintained against Basil, bishop of Ancyra, and Eusthathius of Sebastia, proved them to be the most foolish of all men; and on this account, according to his fabulous narrative, he incurred their implacable hatred.

CHAP. 17.—He says that this Leontius, of whom we have already made mention as a presbyter, and as the instructor of Aetius, upon his promotion to the bishopric of Antioch, raised his former disciple to the diaconate, and gave him permission publicly to teach in the church the ecclesiastical doctrines. Aetius ⁶⁴ shrunk from the humble function of a deacon, but willingly embraced the office of a teacher; and having remained as long as he judged sufficient in order to teach the sacred doctrines which were intrusted to him, he went again back to Alexandria, where Athanasius was already in high |458 repute, and was so manfully defending the doctrine of consubstantiality, that it was necessary to find some one to oppose him.

CHAP. 18.—Philostorgius says that Flavian and Paulinas, who afterwards divided between them the diocese of Antioch, were deposed by the same Leontius, as holding opinions at variance with his own. These followed Eustathius when he was driven into banishment; and Leontius permitted none of his cares⁶⁵ at Antioch, or rather the interests of religion in general, to suffer by the many vicissitudes of the time.

CHAP. 19.—Philostorgius says that Aetius refused his consent to Secundus and Serras,⁶⁶ when they wished to put him forward as a candidate for the episcopal office; for he said that they did not celebrate the Divine mysteries purely or holily, seeing they were in communion⁶⁷ with the professors of consubstantiality.

CHAP. 20.—Upon hearing the report of Aetius's wisdom, Eunomius came from Cappadocia to Antioch, and held a conference with Secundus. He recommended Eunomius to Aetius, who at this time was living at Alexandria. Accordingly they lived together; Aetius being engaged in teaching, and Eunomius in attending upon his course of sacred instruction.⁶⁸

CHAP. 21.—The impious Philostorgius says that he wrote an encomium in praise of Eunomius, and he does not blush to avow the deed.

CHAP. 22.—He says that Constans was put to death by the tyrant Magnentius, on account of his zeal for Athanasius. After his death, Constantius stayed for some time at Edessa in Mesopotamia, his presence being required there on account of the Persian war. During this time their elder sister Constantia,⁶⁹ the widow of Hanniballian, in fear lest the tyrant Magnentius should reduce the whole empire under his power, proclaimed as Caesar Veteranis, one of the masters of the |459 cavalry. She seemed to do this in her own right, because their father, while alive, had placed the imperial crown upon her head, and had named her Augusta. As soon as he received intelligence of these matters, Constantius sent the crown forthwith to Veteranis, confirming to him by this act his title of king; afterwards, however, he set out with an army into the West against Magnentius, under the pretext of a desire to enter into a friendly conversation with Veteranis; and because the latter had afforded him some ground for suspecting a revolt, he apprehended him, and deprived him of his imperial robe. But he punished him with no other disability, and even admitted him to his table; and eventually he banished him to Prusa in Bithynia, and assigned him an ample and magnificent estate, thus securing him against all possibility of being in want of those comforts which constitute the happiness of private life.

CHAP. 23.—Philostorgius says that Sapor, king of Persia, waged war against the Romans, and laid siege to the city of Nisibis; but that, contrary to the general expectation, he was obliged to withdraw his forces and to return covered with shame, because James,⁷⁰ bishop of that city, had shown the citizens what to do on their own behalf, and had fought wonderfully with a firm hope and confidence in God on behalf of the safety of the city.

CHAP. 24.—The Sucian Alps, as Philostorgius says, as well as those which are called the Julian Alps, are a succession of narrow passes, with large mountains meeting closely together, so as to afford mutual strength to the position. These passes, he observes, by the way, are somewhat like the narrow pass of Thermopylae. The Julian Alps⁷¹ divide Gaul from Italy, but the Sucian Alps are the frontier between Dacia and Thrace. Veteranius seized upon these narrow passes, and so afforded to Constantius grounds for suspecting him of meditating a revolt.

CHAP. 25.—While Constantius was preparing his expedition against the tyrant Magnentius, intelligence was brought to him that the Persians had already set their forces in motion against the provinces of the East. On this account he deemed it necessary to nominate Gallus as Caesar, and to send |460 him into the East against the Persians. Now Gallus was his own cousin; for Constantius, the father of Gallus, was brother to Constantine the Great, who was the father of Constantius and his brothers.

CHAP. 26.—Constantius gained a victory over the tyrant: upon this occasion also the sign of the cross appeared to him: its appearance was of immense size, and in the brightness of its rays it wonderfully surpassed even the brightness of day. It appeared at Jerusalem⁷² about the third hour of the day which is called the day of Pentecost. This sign, which was portrayed by no human hand, was seen to stretch from the Mount of Calvary even to the Mount of Olives, and was accompanied by a large iris, like a crown, which surrounded it on all sides. The iris, indeed, signified the mercy of Jesus Christ crucified and taken up into heaven, and the crown denoted the victory of the emperor. Moreover, that splendid and venerable sign did not escape the notice even of the soldiers. But though it was clearly seen by both armies, it frightened above all measure Magnentius and his partisans, who were addicted to superstitious practices; while, on the other hand, it inspired Constantius and his army with invincible bravery. Magnentius, however, having suffered this defeat from Constantius, afterwards recovered his strength by degrees, and, engaging with him in a second battle, was entirely defeated, and fled away to Lyons with the loss of nearly all his army. And first, indeed, under the assumed appearance of good-will he killed his brother in order to rescue him from injury at the hands of the enemy. Finally, he fell upon the sword which he had placed to his breast, and so died by his own hand, having exercised his usurped power for about four years.

CHAP. 27.—Philostorgius says, that Basil and Eustathius, having fallen into enmity with Aetius, devised some absurd calumnies, and incited Gallus against him, so that Gallus, in reliance upon his bishops and burning with rage, ordered Aetius to be sought out and to be put to death by having his legs broken. But when Leontius, bishop of Antioch, had given the Caesar information which directly contradicted what had been alleged against Aetius, the sentence of condemnation was revoked, and Aetius soon afterwards went to the court of |461 Gallus and was reckoned among his friends. He was also repeatedly sent to Julian, especially at the time when Gallus had taught his brother to lean rather to the side of heathenism. He was sent, however, with the design of recalling Julian from his impiety. Gallus, moreover, appointed Aetius his superintendent of religious instruction.

CHAP. 28.—Gallus having shown considerable valour in the war against the Persians, certain calumniators endeavoured to stir up against him the hostility of Constantius. The latter, accordingly, as soon as the war was settled by the valour and bravery of Gallus, sent Domitian the prefect of the Praetorium with secret instructions to keep Gallus from quitting the city of Antioch. For by this means he thought to diminish the glory which Gallus was reaping from his bravery and care of the state. But Domitian, who was so far from acting within the tenor of instructions, that he even exceeded them by his boldness both of thought and of deed, as soon as he reached Antioch, where Gallus was staying, would not endure even to appear in his presence. On account of this insult, and other matters besides, Gallus determined to inflict capital punishment on the prefect for his haughtiness and contumacious conduct, and took Montius⁷³ as his assessor in this determination. The latter, using unbounded confidence, addressed Gallus in these terms: " You are not empowered to create even a curator⁷⁴ of the city; how then can you venture to kill the prefect of the Praetorium?" Constantia,⁷⁵ the wife of Gallus, was so exasperated by these words, because Gallus was both Caesar and the husband of Augusta— (for this latter dignity she had herself received from her father)—that she dragged down Montius from the judgment-seat with her own hands, and gave him over into the hands of the attendants, who immediately seized him and carried him to Domitian; they then seized him also, dragged him. down from his throne, and tying ropes round the feet of both, |462 they put them to death with every mark of insult. This was done in great haste, and with the consent of Gallus.

EPITOME OF BOOK IV.

CHAP. 1.—CONSTANTIUS was much enraged when he heard what had happened to Montius and Domitian, and summoned to his presence Gallus, who immediately obeyed the command, because, although he suspected no good from his sudden summons, yet he feared the chance of a civil war following in the event of his refusal. Constantia, however, went on before him, and endeavoured to obtain an interview with her brother before her husband, and to implore mercy on his behalf. But upon her arrival at Bithynia, her journey and her life were at once broken off by a sudden attack which ended fatally. By this mischance the fears of Gallus were considerably increased, but still he did not depart from his previous resolution, so he went on his way accompanied by Theophilus the Indian. Moreover, upon the arrival of Gallus in Noricum, Barbation is sent from Milan, where Constantius then happened to be, to strip him of his purple robes, and to banish him to an island⁷⁶ in Dalmatia. But Theophilus, who chanced to be at hand, would by no means allow the matter to be brought to so ready a decision: for at the time when Gallus was created Caesar, he was himself the mediator of the treaty made between Gallus and Constantius, by which they mutually pledged themselves to friendship, and promised that they would not lay plots against each other; and it was he who all along had kept them at peace. Accordingly, on being informed of this middle position thus held by Theophilus, Constantius ordered him to be sent away into exile, and Gallus to be stripped of his purple and carried in the dress of a private citizen into a certain island, where a military guard was set over him. Moreover, the eunuch Eusebius, who had been elevated to the dignity |463 of a Praepositus, was supported by a party in his attempts to excite the mind of Constantius more and more against Gallus; for they feared that Constantius, either in remembrance of his oath, or moved by the tie of consanguinity, would recall the Caesar from banishment, and that Gallus, as soon as he had escaped that danger, would miserably destroy them all. Accordingly, they fraudulently and treacherously plotted together and sent persons to put Gallus to death. But, before the deed of blood was accomplished, Constantine relented, and sent another party to prevent the bloodshed. But Eusebius persuaded them not to approach the island, and not to show any one the rescript of the emperor forbidding the execution of Gallus before he was actually put to the sword. The matter was carried out in accordance with their designs: and hence it was that Julian, when he afterwards succeeded to the purple, put to death Eusebius and his comrades on account of the iniquitous execution of Gallus.

CHAP. 2.—Constantius, moreover, weighing well the weight of the imperial power, and his own inability to support it single-handed, summoned Julian, the brothpr of Gallus, out of Ionia, and appointed him Caesar, at the same time giving him his sister Helen in marriage; and sent him forthwith into Gaul as governor; for matters were in a very troubled state in those parts.

CHAP. 3.—He went however himself to Sirmium, where he settled for some time. At this period he recalled from exile and restored to his citizens Liberius the bishop of Rome, for whose recall the Romans were very clamorous. Philostorgius then goes on to say that this same Liberius, and with him Hosius the bishop [of Cordova], wrote openly against the term "consubstantial,"⁷⁷ and against Athanasius himself, when a synod had been convened there, and had brought over the aforementioned prelates to its own opinion. But as soon as they had subscribed, adds Philostorgius, Hosius returned to his see of Cordova in Spain and governed the church in that place, while Liberius⁷⁸ administered the church of Rome. Felix, who had been consecrated as bishop during the absence of Liberius, voluntarily retired, retaining |464 the dignity of a bishop, though he presided over no local church.

CHAP. 4.—Upon the death of Leontius, bishop of Antioch, the friends and partisans of Eudoxius,⁷⁹ as Philostorgius relates, translated him from his see of Germanicea, and placed him in the chair of Antioch.⁸⁰ This Eudoxius followed the opinions of the Arians, except only in as far as he was led by the writings of Asterius to profess the opinion of those who held that the Son was like in substance to the Father. But the Arians led him to abandon this opinion, and brought him over to believe the persons to be unlike in substance. But Philostorgius says that Eudoxius was gentle and modest in his character, and endued with no small degree of dexterity and cunning, but he vehemently censures him for want of courage. He says also that his father's name was Caesarius, and that he derived his origin from Arabissus, a town of Armenia Minor; adding at the same time, that though he yielded to the blandishments of women, yet he ended his life by martyrdom, thus blotting out the spots upon his character, and gaining moreover a heavenly crown.

CHAP. 5.—Eudoxius, according to Philostorgius, promoted Eunomius to the diaconate. But Eunomius refused to undertake the office of a deacon before he had arrived at an accurate knowledge of the doctrines of that party.

CHAP. 6.—When the administration of the church at Antioch was put into the hands of Eudoxius, Philostorgius relates that Basil of Ancyra bore the disappointment with great impatience. For he had himself cast an ambitions eye towards that see, and carried it about fixed in his breast as the one desire of his heart.

CHAP. 7.—Constantius, when his wife Eusebia,⁸¹ whom he dearly loved, was afflicted with a disease of the womb, found it necessary to recall Theophilus from exile, for the latter was |465 celebrated for his divine skill in healing diseases. Accordingly Constantius implored his pardon for all the injuries which he had inflicted upon him, and earnestly entreated him to cure his wife. And his request, as Philostorgius testifies, was not made in vain, for as soon as Theophilus had laid his healing hands upon the empress, she was set free from her malady.

CHAP. 8.—He says that Basil, having taken with him Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, and other leaders of the churches, brought charges before the emperor against Aetius and Eudoxius, alleging against them] among other matters, that they had been privy to the conspiracy of Gallus, and actual participators in it. Theophilus too was implicated in the same series of charges. The emperor believed the story of Basil,⁸² which was supported by the women, whom Basil had already brought over to his side, and accordingly sentenced Theophilus to exile, and banished him to Heraclea on the Pontus, while he ordered Eudoxius to quit Antioch, and to keep himself within his own house. Afterwards he gave up Aetius and the rest of his party into the power of his calumniators. But Basil had held a disputation concerning the faith in the presence of the emperor. In this disputation he maintained that the Son was like to the Father in all things,⁸³ but he made no mention of the question of substance, and totally avoided the term. They also endeavoured to get this opinion confirmed by the sentence and signature of the senate. And not long afterwards, as soon as the news of what Basil had done reached Antioch, Eunomius undertakes the ordination of a deacon, and being sent as an ambassador to Constantius to get the decrees rescinded, he was taken prisoner on his road by the followers of Basil, and was banished to Midasus in Phrygia. Aetius, however, fell into the hands of Basil and his party, and was sent into banishment at Pepuza, a small village of the same country: at the same time Eudoxius retired into Armenia, his native country. Other individuals also, to the |466 number of seventy, were condemned by the voice of Basil and his party, and were sent into exile.

CHAP. 9.—The victorious party, upon accomplishing the above-mentioned matters, traversed the country in every direction, confirming men everywhere in the Homoiousian belief, that is, in the likeness of substance between the Father and the Son; and when many flocked over to their opinion, they drew over to their side Macedonius,⁸⁴ the bishop of Constantinople, although he had previously been more inclined to the sentiments of Eunomius. Many other bishops also they induced to join their party, being drawn over partly by their speeches and partly by the force which they added to their persuasions.

CHAP. 10.—He says that Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis, and Narcissus, of Irenopolis, together with some others, came to Singidunum, a city of Maesia, and brought back to Constantius news of what had been fraudulently done by Basil. Constantius was amazed and confounded with grief, and recalled the condemned from exile, ordering at the same time two synods to be convened, one at Rimini, for the bishops of the West, and the other at Nicomedia, to assemble together the bishops of the East, and Libya, and Thrace, in order that the arguments alleged by either side might be diligently weighed and sifted. But the impious Philostorgius asserts that an earthquake put a stop to the holding of the synod at Nicomedia, because the greater part of the bishops there were favourably inclined to the Homoousian creed; this earthquake, he says, killed Cecropius, bishop of Nicomedia, and fifteen other bishops, who had arrived before the rest, shattering the church in which they were assembled. But the synod of Rimini, at which three hundred bishops were present, entirely rejected the use of the term "substance," but declaring the Son to be like to the Father according to the Scriptures, it confirmed that belief with the signatures of the bishops present.

CHAP. 11.—Nicomedia being thus overthrown, as Philostorgius says, by the earthquake and a consequent conflagration and inundation of the sea, a synod was at length convened at Seleucia, Basil⁸⁵ and his party having refused to meet at Nicaea, and Eudoxius and Aetius to adopt Tarsus. But the |467 party of Basil, having contrived by their artifices to divide the synod into two factions, and having met together apart from the rest, declared the Son to be like to the Father in substance; they also proceeded to depose such as entertained the opposite opinion, condemned the doctrine which asserts the Persons to be unlike, and finally by themselves ordained Annianus bishop of Antioch. But Eudoxius and Aetius, having subscribed their names to the doctrine of unlikeness, sent their letters about in every direction.

CHAP. 12.—But the emperor, on being informed of these matters, ordered the whole of the bishops to assemble at Constantinople. Accordingly they meet together, nearly all the episcopate, as well from the West as from the East and from Libya, Basil and Eustathius⁸⁶ being the leaders of those who professed to hold that the Son was like to the Father in substance. These these had a great number of supporters present, and among them a second Basil, who even at that time was only of the order of deacon; he was superior to many in his powers of speech, though from natural timidity⁸⁷ and shyness he shrunk from public discussions. But of those who professed their belief in the unlikeness of the Persons, Aetius and Eunomius were the leaders, so far as concerned power and influence, each of them being only of the rank of a deacon. Next to these came the bishops Maris and Eudoxius, who at that time was bishop of Antioch, but was afterwards promoted to the see of Constantinople, as likewise Acacius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, who pretended that he was of their party in order to cause pain to Basil, because the latter treated with marked respect Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, whom he had deposed. Acacius, moreover, was bold in discussion, most acute in discerning the point in matters of business, and very eloquent in enforcing his opinion. Hence also the acts of this synod, which are not few in number⁸⁶, were digested and arranged by him. Accordingly, as soon as both parties had come into conflict concerning their respective dogmas, Basil was the patron of those who professed to believe that the Son was like in substance to the Father. But those who asserted |468 the dissimilarity of substance, put forward Aetius and Eunomius as the champions of their cause. Moreover, Basil and his partisans, when they saw Aetius pitted against him as his adversary, in fear of his eloquence, avowed that it was indecorous for bishops to contend with a deacon concerning the doctrines of the faith. But when the leaders of the opposite cause shrunk back from the contest, saying that the matter at stake was not their dignity, but the question of the truth. Basil⁸⁸ came forward to the contest, though unwillingly; and, as he writes, he was entirely overcome by his eloquence. So that he not only confessed that the substance of the begotten Son differed from that of the Father who begot him, and was like him in no respect; but also, as Aetius demanded, he confirmed his profession by the subscription of his signature. When the emperor learned these tidings, and still bore in his mind all fresh the calumny of Basil against Aetius, he took advantage of that event to gratify his anger. Accordingly, he ordered both of them to appear in his presence, and asked Basil what were the charges which he brought against Aetius. Basil answered, that he asserted the Son to be unlike the Father in substance. Upon this Aetius said, "I am so far from thinking or asserting that the Son is unlike the Father, that I confess him to be like without any difference." But Constantine, laying hold of that word, "without any difference," and not even enduring to learn in what sense Aetius used that term, gave orders that he should be expelled from the palace. But afterwards, with the assistance of Acacius, he brought about the judicial deposition of Aetius from the episcopate; and it was not only the orthodox who subscribed his degradation, but also those who were of his own opinion; of whom some had changed their former opinion, while others defended, under the name of economy,⁸⁹ what they had been unwillingly compelled to do. Further, Constantius, bringing into the midst of the synod the epistle of the Western bishops, ordered it to be confirmed by the subscription of the bishops who were present. Now, in the letter were contained the following words, " That the Son is like to the Father according |469 to the Scriptures." Then also, by the artifice of this same Acacius, who always had one thing hidden in his bosom and another ready upon his tongue, both all the bishops who were present, and also those who hitherto had professed to believe the Persons to be unlike in substance, added their subscriptions.

EPITOME OF BOOK V.

CHAP. 1.—UPON this Acacius, having drawn over the emperor to his own sentiments, assailed Basil, Eustathius, and many other bishops with various accusations, and deposed them from their sees. He also stripped of his sacerdotal dignity Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople; and after his degradation it was with the consent of the emperor that Eudoxius was translated from the see of Antioch and chosen in his room.⁹⁰ Those who were deposed were also sent into banishment : Basil went into Illyria, and the rest were dispersed in various places. When they were led into exile, they revoked the subscriptions with which they ratified the faith of the council of Rimini: and the latter party preached the doctrine of consubstantiality, while the others renewed the opinion of a similarity of substance in the Persons. Aetius, however, being deposed for the introduction of his term "without any difference," which was manifestly at variance with the rest of his public teaching, is banished to Mopsuestia in Cilicia, though most of his followers and partisans had not only set their signatures to the condemnation of himself, but also of his doctrine; some casting entirely away the opinion which they had previously embraced; others, again, playing the part of mere time-servers, and reverencing the will of the emperor as paramount to the truth. Moreover, Acacius, having got Basil deposed and banished from motives of private hostility, and Aetius on account of his difference of opinion, returns to Caesarea and appoints professors of the Homoousian faith, as bishops of the sees of those churches which were deprived of their pastors. Thus, at Nicomedia., he consecrated Onesimus in the place of Cecropius, and substituted Athanasius⁹¹ in the |470 room of Basil at Ancyra, while he set another Acacius over the church at Tarsus in the room of Silvanus. But at Antioch, all the clergy who had formerly agreed with Basil in the line which he pursued against Aetius and Eudoxius, were driven into banishment without an opportunity of defending themselves. Meletius, too, was summoned from Sebastia, a city of Armenia, and placed in the see of Antioch by the same Acacius in the place of Eudoxius, who had ascended the throne of Constantinople. But Meletius, though previously he had professed his belief in the unlikeness of substance between the Father and the Son, suited his views according to the will of the emperor, and subscribed the epistle of the Eastern bishops. But after his elevation to the see of Antioch, he came forward as a most valiant defender of consubstantiality. The same Acacius also consecrated Pelagius bishop of Laodicea. And, to speak briefly, wherever force and influence seconded his design, he used all, possible zeal in placing those who most strenuously professed the consubstantial creed in the place of those who were expelled.

CHAP. 2.—The emperor, having learned from Acacius that Aetius was treated by Auxentius, bishop of Mopsuestia, with all possible care and kindness, ordered him to be removed to Ambdala,⁹² that he might there bring his life to a miserable close on account of the fierce and savage character of its inhabitants. And when, on account of the heat, that place was infected with a very terrible pestilence, this impious forger of lies declares that Aetius appeased the Divinity and warded off these calamities, and was treated in consequence by the barbarians with the greatest kindness and respect.

CHAP. 3.—After the deposition of Eustathius, Eusebius, and Eleusius, Maris and Eudoxius consecrated Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus,⁹³ with the full consent of Constantius. Eunomius, however, refused to submit to their consecration until he had received from them a pledge that Aetius should be set |471 free from his sentence of banishment and deposition. A period of three months was specified for the performance of this stipulation.

CHAP. 4. — Constantius had previously been in the habit of gaining victories over his enemies; but after he had stained his hands with the blood of those who were near of kin to him,⁹⁴ and had been driven on by the calumnies of Basil to punish Aetius, Theophilus, and Serras with banishment, he was forced to retreat in disgrace from a battle which he fought with the Persians.

CHAP. 5. — The impious Philostorgius declares that Meletitos, bishop of Antioch, was banished by Constantius, who happened at that time to be staying at that city, to Meletina, his native country, as though he had been convicted of perjury, because while he was most ardent in preaching the doctrine of consubstantiality, he pretended to embrace the doctrine of "an unlikeness of Persons.⁹⁵ After this, Constantius summoned from Alexandria Euzoius, the partner of the heresy of Arius, and, ordering the bishops to lay their hands on him, appointed him to the see of Antioch.

EPITOME OF BOOK VI.

CHAP. 1.—SOME individuals of the clergy of the city of Cyzicus accused Eunomius before Eudoxius as though he asserted the Son to be unlike the Father, because he denied that he was like him in substance, from which they drew the inference that he held the Son to be really unlike the Father. Moreover, they accused him of changing the established rites, and of casting out those who would not join with him in his impious designs. On this account a tumult was raised in the church of Constantinople, which was strenuously agitated by a certain presbyter of that church named Hesychius. Eudoxius forthwith summoned Eunomius to his presence.⁹⁶ Upon |472 his arrival he accused Eudoxius of sloth and carelessness in the performance of his promises. Eudoxius answered ihat he had by no means neglected to perform them, but that first the tumult ought to be quieted which had been roused on his account. Accordingly, Eunomius began to plead his defence before the clergy of Constantinople, and so conciliated the minds of those who were previously excited against him, that he was induced not only to come over to his own opinions, but also to offer a ready testimony to the piety of Eunomius. For not only was he never detected in asserting the Son to be unlike the Father in those sermons which he delivered,⁹⁷ but he also freely professed to teach that he was like him according to the Scriptures. That he was like in substance was a position which he by no means admitted;⁹⁸ for he said that it was equally impious to declare the Son to be like in substance to the Father, and not to confess that he was entirely like, according to the relation existing between the only-begotten Son and the Father, who had begotten him without passions. And he infected with these views not merely the great body of the clergy, but also the entire congregation of the church; for the style of his discussions on these points struck them with admiration, not only of his wisdom, but also of his piety. On this account Eudoxius was rejoiced above measure, and exclaimed, "Mine answer to them that do examine me is this."⁹⁹ And the people applauded Eudoxius, because he had quoted the words of Holy Scripture so effectively and opportunely.

CHAP. 2. — The impious Philostorgius declares that the hateful Eunomius delivered to the people, at the command of Eudoxius, on the feast of the Epiphany, a sermon in which the abominable and detestable doctrine of that school was openly taught. For those detestable individuals ventured to assert, that after the ineffable birth of her Son, Joseph had conjugal intercourse with the Virgin Mary; and what is still more audacious, they did not hesitate to declare that the Son was but the minister of the Father, and the Spirit of the Son. |473 Moreover, the very style which they used at that time was far removed from that of graceful panegyric, being turgid, with obscure and superfluous expressions, and the employment of words of impurity, tending to a speech at once distasteful, ridiculous, and confused; declaring that God had openly visited them with the punishment of a mind darkened and confounded.

CHAP. 3.—After heaping many praises on Eunomius, Eudoxius not only brought himself to perform no part of his promises to him, but also endeavoured to persuade him to subscribe to the deposition of Arius, and to the exposition of the creed adopted at Rimini, excusing to them, under the pretext of "economy,"¹⁰⁰ his unlawful and involuntary crime. By these doings Eunomius was grievously enraged, and would not perform either of them; but he leaves them¹⁰¹ in possession of Cyzicus, first in promise, and afterwards confirming the grant by letter, and retired into his native country of Cappadocia.

CHAP. 4.— Acacius, being grievously indignant against Eunomius because he had been appointed bishop of Cyzicus, accused him and Eudoxius of having consecrated as bishop, without the common consent, the disciple of Aetius, a person who vied with and even surpassed his master in the fervency of his zeal for heresy. And by his calumnies he managed to make so much way that Constantius lent him his ear, and recalled Eunomius to Antioch. On his arrival thither, Constantius ordered him to be examined, and to plead his cause in the judicial assembly. But when the assembly demanded a prosecutor, no one appeared against him; for Acacius was struck dumb with fear, and persevered in keeping a most profound silence, for he thought that his adversary would be entirely overwhelmed by the mere force of calumny with the emperor. As soon as Constantius learned this, he regarded Acacius with suspicion, as one who had instituted the charges |474 against Eudoxius rather out of spiteful motives than from any real uprightness of character. Accordingly he bade him return at once to his church, and reserved for a larger assembly all further inquiry into the present business.

CHAP. 5.—While Constantius was pondering in his mind over these matters, news was brought to him of the rebellion of Julian.¹⁰² Accordingly he seized at once upon Constantinople, and convened by proclamation a synod at the city of Nicaea for the purpose of examining into the doctrine which declared the Son to be of a different substance from the Father. But upon his arrival at a place called Mopsi Crene, he was struck with a fatal disorder, and being there baptized by Euzoius, he died, leaving behind him his royalty and the synods to be held for the purpose of confirming a heresy.

CHAP. 6.—When the body of Constantius was being carried out to burial, Julian entered Constantinople, and walked before the bier without his crown, thus paying honour to the corpse of one whose life he had so shortly before endeavoured to take away.

CHAP. 7.—Julian, having thus seized upon the empire, recalled Aetius as one who had been sent into banishment on account of Gallus; and restored to their sees not only him, but also all the other prelates who had been banished on account of the contested doctrines of the church.

EPITOME OF BOOK VII.

CHAP. 1.—JULIAN having thus seized upon the imperial purple, and issued edicts permitting all possible licence to the heathen, and allowing them to practise all that they had learnt, involved the Christians in the most grievous and inexplicable persecutions, by allowing the heathen everywhere to inflict upon them every kind of death, accompanied with every sort of tortures and torments, unheard of until then.

CHAP. 2.—When George, bishop of Alexandria, presided over the council,¹⁰³ and compelled those who were of the sentiments |475 of Aetius to subscribe the epistle ¹⁰⁴ against Aetius, the heathen suddenly attacked him and seized him : and after inflicting many indignities upon his body, at last they committed it to the flames. Further, this impious writer asserts that they were incited to this act by the counsel of Athanasius.¹⁰⁵ For the latter recovered his see upon the death of George, and the people of Alexandria received him back with open arms.

CHAP. 3. — Concerning an image¹⁰⁶ of our Saviour erected by the faith of a pious woman in grateful remembrance of her cure from a bloody flux, Philostorgius writes, that it was placed near the fountain in the city among other statues, and presented a pleasant and agreeable sight to the passers-by. And when a certain herb, which grew up at the foot of this statue, was found to be a most effectual remedy against all diseases, and especially against consumption, men naturally began to inquire into the cause of this matter; for by lapse of time all memory of the fact had been lost, and it was even forgotten whose statue it was, and on what account it had been erected. Inasmuch as the figure of our Saviour had long stood exposed in the open air, and a great part of it was covered over by the earth which was perpetually carried down against the pediment, especially during seasons of heavy rain, the notice contained in the inscription upon it was well nigh obliterated. A diligent inquiry was consequently made, and the part of the statue which had been covered up being brought to light, the inscription was discovered which explained the entire circumstances of the fact; and the plant thenceforth was never again seen either there or in any other place. The statue itself they placed in the part of the church which was allotted to the deacons,¹⁰⁷ paying to it due honour and respect, yet by no means adoring or worshipping it; and they showed their love for its great archetype by erecting it in that place |476 with circumstances of honour, and by flocking thither in eager crowds to behold it. During the reign of Julian, however, the heathen ¹⁰⁸ who inhabited Paneas were excited by an impious frenzy to pull down this statue from its pediment, and to drag it through the midst of the streets with ropes fastened round its feet; afterwards they broke in pieces the rest of the body, while some persons, indignant at the whole proceeding, secretly obtained possession of the head, which had become, detached from the neck as it was dragged along, and they preserved it as far as was possible. This transaction Philostorgius declared that he witnessed with his own eyes. But the district of Paneas was formerly called Dan, from Dan the son of Jacob, who was the head of one of the twelve tribes, which was situated in those parts. But in the course of time it came to be called Caesarea Philippi,¹⁰⁹ and later still, when the heathen erected in it a statue of the god Pan, its name was changed to Paneas.¹¹⁰

CHAP. 4.—The heathens perpetrated everywhere many atrocities against the Christians, and more particularly the following disgraceful deed they committed in Palestine. The bones of the prophet Eliseus and of John the Baptist¹¹¹ were dug up out of their sepulchres where they were buried, and being mingled with the bones of beasts, they were thrown into the flames, reduced to ashes, and scattered to the winds. In some places, too, they seized upon the Christians and placed them as victims on the heathen altars; and many other fearful atrocities did they commit, impelled, as it would seem, by some supernatural frenzy. When Julian learned these tidings, ho not only felt no indignation against their authors, but even rejoiced at their doings; as though the infamy belonging to such deeds attached itself to others, while his own wishes were in concert with their acts. But as soon as he perceived |477 that none of his desires were realized by all these atrocities, inasmuch as the spirit of the Christians, whom he specially persecuted, did but gather fresh strength daily, he contrived to bring into open collision¹¹² the bishops who had been banished for various reasons and those who had been substituted in their room. Accordingly he gave to both parties full licence of doing whatever they could to obtain their restoration and to defend their possessions respectively. And on this account they were so brought into open contest with each other as to cause our religion great disgrace and opprobrium,—a point which the Apostate had especially at heart. He added also another insult to this malignant contrivance, for he pressed those who were already enrolled among the clerical body to undertake the public functions of the Decurios, and assigned the revenues of the churches to the ministers of the heathen deities. In fine, he did not cease to employ every effort and contrivance to cause the superstitions of the heathens to flourish in every quarter, and, as he hoped, entirely to extinguish our religion.

CHAP. 5.—While matters were in this state, Eudoxius, recalling to mind the oath and pledges in which he had bound himself before Eunomius in favour of Aetius, wrote letters to Euzoius, bishop of Antioch, commanding him to convene a synod, in order to absolve Aetius from the sentence of condemnation which had formerly been passed upon him. But Euzoius took no account of this request, but was especially loud in his censures of Eudoxius for not having sooner set himself to do what he now enjoined others to execute. But when Eudoxius persevered in his command, Euzoius at length promised to comply.

CHAP. 6.—While Aetius and Eunomius were staying at Constantinople, they were joined by Leontius, bishop of Tripolis, and Theodulus of Chaeretapa, as also by Serras. Theophilus and Heliodorus from either Libya,¹¹³ and all who embraced the like opinion, and who had not ventured to subscribe |478 either the condemnation of Aetius or the letter of the Western¹¹⁴ bishops. These therefore assembled together and consecrated Aetius as bishop,¹¹⁵ and Aetius and Eunomius were all in all with them. They also consecrated other bishops, Eudoxius not only not being indignant on the occasion, but also giving his vote in favour of those who were to be ordained even more readily than the partisans of Aetius. During the same period Euzoius too, having collected a synod of nine bishops, reversed the measures which had been originally adopted against Aetius.¹¹⁶ He also reversed the six months of licence at the expiration of which Serras had been condemned to deposition from his priesthood, as a punishment in case of his refusing to subscribe the deposition of Aetius and the letter of the Western bishops. Accordingly, when the two measures which I have mentioned above had turned out thus, Euzoius contemplated sending letters to Eudoxius, but it so happened that the persecution of the Christians, which at that time was past all endurance, checked his attempt.

CHAP. 7.—When the apostate Julian found himself after many ineffectual attempts unable to detach from the faith. Valentinian, the commander of a regiment in the army, he stripped him of his dignity and banished him to Thebes in Egypt.¹¹⁷ He was Comes of the band called "Cornuti," and while Constantius was emperor one of the school of the Silentiarii is said to have seen him with flames issuing out of his mouth about mid-day, just at the time when we take our meal, and to have reported the sight to Constantius. Being sent by him to summon Valentinian to his presence on some business or other, he happened to witness the event; and as soon as he learned the tidings of it, Constantius was seized with suspicion and alarm, though he did nothing to Valentinian by way of punishment. But to calm his fears, he sent |479 him to the fortresses of Mesopotamia, with instructions to keep garrison there and to check the incursions of the Persians.

CHAP. 8.—Philostorgius does not differ much from other writers in his narration concerning the martyr Babylas,¹¹⁸ the number and greatness of the indignities with which Julian treated his body, what the devils were compelled to speak, how the shrine together with the image of Apollo¹¹⁹ was burnt down by lightning, and as to all the other wondrous events which happened, both natural and supernatural. He says moreover that the holy Babylas¹²⁰ was put to death together with three boys of a very tender age, and that his martyrdom arose from the following cause. Babylas was bishop of Antioch; by inspiration of the devil, Numerian the Roman emperor, or as others say, Decius, was led to desire to enter the church of the Christians at the time when a very large concourse of people had assembled together. But the priest of God stood at the entrance porch and forbade his entry, declaring that, so far as in him lay, he would not suffer a wolf to climb into the fold. But the emperor immediately desisted from his effort, either because he feared a popular outbreak, or because he changed his mind on some other account. But as to the bishop, he first accused him of insolence, and afterwards commanded him to sacrifice to the heathen deities, as being the only sacrifice by which he could at once wash out his offence, and gain honour and glory from posterity. Babylas having resisted the proposals of the emperor with a stout and noble heart, received the crown of martyrdom.

CHAP. 9.—The apostate Julian endeavouring to convict of falsehood the prophecies of our Saviour, in which he declared that Jerusalem should be so utterly overthrown that "one stone should not be left upon another,"¹²¹ not only failed in his attempt, but also was compelled against his will to give a |480 most irrefragable proof of their truth. For having collected together all the Jews¹²² from every quarter, and having Supplied them with money from the imperial treasury and with other resources, he enjoined upon them to set about the rebuilding of their temple. But a panic repeatedly inspired in their minds, such as no tongue of eloquence can describe, put a check to their attempts, and also covered with shame and disgrace as well the emperor as the Jews, and drove them into the greatest straits. Hence flames came down and destroyed those who dared to set a hand to the work; hence an earthquake came and swallowed them up, while others perished again by some other calamity. So the audacity which dared to cast discredit upon the prophecies of our Lord, was overruled to show their venerable truth and efficacy.

CHAP. 10.—When many of those who had been most furious against the Christians and our holy religion had thus suffered the well-merited penalty of their sins, Julian, the count of the East, the uncle of the apostate emperor,¹²³ and Felix, the count of Largesses, and Elpidius, the prefect of the palace, whom the Romans are accustomed to call Counts of the Privy Chamber, paid the most manifest and conspicuous penalty of all. These three were among those who apostatized from our faith in order to gain favour with the emperor. Felix, indeed, without any apparent predisposing cause, suddenly burst one of the largest of the interior veins, when a torrent of blood flowed from his mouth. He afforded a most horrible spectacle to all who were present, and did not survive the stroke an entire day, for towards the same evening, when the blood ceased to flow any longer, he breathed his last. But Julian, being seized with a severe disorder, the nature of which was unknown, lay prostrated on his bed for forty days without speech, and almost without showing signs of consciousness. But afterwards, when he began to mend in a slight degree, he condemned the impious deed which he had committed, and confessed that his disease was sent upon him as a punishment for it; and recovering so far as to become a witness against his own impiety, he breathed his last in great tortures from the ulcers which tore his intestines in pieces. Last of all, Elpidius, at a somewhat later period than the rest, having |481 been detected favouring the conspiracy of Procopius, who had rebelled against Valens, was despoiled of his goods, and being condemned to perpetual imprisonment, finished his life in the deepest disgrace, amid the execration of all, who called him Elpidius the Sacrificer. Moreover, another of them, who went with the above-mentioned individuals into a church which they were pillaging and plundering, robbing it of its sacred vessels and shrines, and insulting the God who was honoured in those sacred rites, this very man, I say, insolently lifted up his robe and made water upon the altar, whereupon he suffered an immediate and sudden penalty. For those very parts which he had thus insolently abused began to putrify into his very bowels, and produced a vast multitude of worms, so that he died by a miserable end, and one which deserves to be kept in silence. Others, and many too, who had dared to perpetrate similar crimes, paid a like penalty for their sin.

CHAP. 11.—The Roman emperor Hadrian, who was called Aelius, named the city of Jerusalem Aelia, after himself, in order entirely to banish and exclude thence the Jewish race, that they might not find in the name of the city a pretext for claiming it as their country.¹²⁴ Hadrian was in reality afraid of their hot and impetuous disposition as a nation, and especially dreaded lest they should meet in that city under the pretext of performing their sacrifices, and cause the Romans trouble.

CHAP. 12.—After the translation of the relics of the martyr Babylas, the heathen oracles, beginning with that at Delphi, gave forth some predictions and prophecies; the good providence of God permitting them to speak, but turning to shame the reverence and respect paid to them by their worshippers.¹²⁵ For the more diligently the heathen sought to get answers from their deities in order to find a just cause for paying to them divine honours, the more they were compelled by Divine Providence to discover their weakness and powerlessness for truth; for the answers which they uttered were shown to be false and without fulfilment. In truth, when all the oracles had given their answer, that Julian, the emperor's uncle, who at that time lay ill, would recover and not |482 die, he breathed out his wretched soul while those very responses were being read by the people.

CHAP. 13.—A certain man named Heron, a native of Thebes in Egypt, and who had borne the episcopal office, having afterwards gone back to heathen superstitions, was suddenly seized by a putrid disorder, which affected his entire body, and rendered him loathsome to the sight. Being brought then into great straits, he lay about in the streets, unpitied by any one, for the Christians turned aside from him in disgust, while the heathen knew him only so far as they had led him into their errors. Heron, indeed, died a bitter and miserable death. A certain Theotecnus, also, having passed over to the same superstition, suddenly became putrid in his body, which became a mere receptacle of worms, which eat out his eyes, and he was reduced by madness to the very last extremity. His very tongue was gnawed out and eaten by them; and after undergoing these painful tortures, he was reserved for even a severer penalty. God displayed many of these miracles at that time upon those who had impiously apostatized from religion, exacting from them a penalty commensurate with their crimes.

CHAP. 14.—When Julian bade the city of Jerusalem to be rebuilt in order to refute openly the predictions of our Lord concerning it, he brought about exactly the opposite of what he intended. For his work was checked by many other prodigies from heaven; and especially, during the preparation of the foundations, one of the stones which was placed at the lowest part of the base, suddenly started from its place and opened the door of a certain cave hollowed out in the rock. Owing to its depth, it was difficult to see what was within this cave; so persons were appointed to investigate the matter, who, being anxious to find out the truth, let down one of their workmen by means of a rope. On being lowered down he found stagnant water reaching up to his knees; and, having gone round the place and felt the walls on every side, he found the cave to be a perfect square. Then, in his return, as he stood near about the middle, he struck his foot against a column which stood rising slightly above the water. As soon as he touched this pillar, he found lying upon it a book¹²⁶ wrapped |483 up in a very fine and thin linen cloth; ¹²⁷ and as soon as he had lifted it up just as he had found it, he gave a signal to his companions to draw him up again. As soon as he regained the light, he showed them the book, which struck them all with astonishment, especially because it appeared so new and fresh, considering the place where it had been found. This book, which appeared such a mighty prodigy in the eyes of both heathens and Jews, as soon as it was opened showed the following words in large letters : "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God."¹²⁸ In fact, the volume contained that entire Gospel which had been declared by the divine tongue of the (beloved) disciple and the Virgin. Moreover, this miracle, together with other signs which were then shown from heaven, most clearly showed that "the word of the Lord would never go forth void,"¹²⁹ which had foretold that the devastation of the Temple should be perpetual. For that book declared Him who had uttered those words long before, to be God and the Creator of the universe; and it was a very clear proof that "their labour was but lost that built,"¹³⁰ seeing that the immutable decree of the Lord had condemned the Temple to eternal desolation. The city of Jerusalem itself was formerly called Jebus, and was inhabited by some of the tribe of Benjamin, before King David took it by the aid of Joab. The army promised him the throne of Israel if he could only get possession of that city, and when he captured it, the army faithfully observed its promises. He then built a new city on the same site, and chose it as the metropolis of the entire Hebrew race.

CHAP. 15. — The apostate Julian undertook an expedition against the Persians, relying upon the prophecies of the heathen oracles in different quarters, that his might would prove irresistible. But a certain old man, who had long since been discharged from the Persian service, contrived by fraud and treachery to insnare the Apostate as he was making war in Persia.¹³¹ And when he had brought the Romans into the greatest straits by leading them into a pathless desert, in which a very great portion of the army perished, he gave the |484 enemy, like the prey of a hunter, into the hands of his countrymen. For the Persians rushed upon the Romans, having joined to their forces as allies some Saracenic horsemen who were armed with spears. One of them hurled a spear against Julian, which struck him on the thigh near the groin; and when the spear was drawn out, it was followed by a quantity of dung and blood also. One of the body-guard of the emperor immediately attacked the Saracen who had wounded the king, and cut off his head : while the Romans immediately placed Julian, thus mortally wounded, on a shield, and carried him off into a tent. Many even thought that the fatal blow was struck by Julian's own friends, so sudden and unexpected was it, and so much at a loss were they to know whence it proceeded. But the wretched Julian took up in his hands the blood which flowed from his wounds, and cast it up towards the sun, exclaiming, "Take thy fill;" and he added curses upon the other gods as villains and destroyers. In his train was a most distinguished physician, one Oribasius, a native of the Lydian city, Sardis. But the wound was far beyond all medical art, and carried Julian off after three days of suffering, after he had enjoyed the dignity of Caesar for five years, and the imperial throne two years and a half from the death of Constantius. Philostorgius in this passage writes, that Julian sprinkled his blood towards the sun and cursed his gods. But most historians write that he used this act as an expression of hatred against our Lord and only true God, Jesus Christ."¹³² |485

EPITOME OF BOOK VIII.

CHAP. 1.—ON the next day after Julian's death, the soldiers proclaimed Jovian emperor. He found that there was no other means left of escape, for the whole army had been reduced to a tenth of its original numbers; so he concluded a truce for three years with the Persians, on the condition of surrendering to them Nisibis and all the fortresses which had been erected by the Romans as means of defence against the Persians, even as far as Armenia. Moreover, Merobaudes¹³³ and his fellow-comrades, as they were carrying the corpse of Julian into Cilicia, placed it by accident, and not by design, opposite to the tomb which contained the bones of Maximin, so that the coffins of both were separated from each other only by the highway.

CHAP. 2.—Euzoius and the bishops of his party compiled a book in defence of Aetius¹³⁴ and his doctrines, but they took no pains to get the matter brought to a satisfactory termination.¹³⁵ Accordingly Aetius and Eunomius stayed some time in Constantinople, and busied themselves with looking after their own affairs; and having arranged other matters as seemed to them most advantageous, they ordered certain bishops, among whom were Candidus¹³⁶ and Arrianus, who were |486 set over the churches of Lydia and Ionia, while Theodulus¹³⁷ was promoted from the see of Chaeretapa to the bishopric of Palestine. At Constantinople too they chose Paemenius as bishop of their church, for many seceders from the party of Eudoxius and other sects in that city had swelled the adherents of Aetius and Eunomius. By this act, however, they contrived to incur the hostility of Eudoxius, who had hitherto cherished the hope of cementing a friendship with them. And when Paemenius died, soon after this, they substituted Florentius in his place, at the same time appointing Thallus bishop of Lesbos, upon the death of the existing bishop. Euphronius,¹³⁸ too, they set over Galatia, on the shores of the Euxine, and Cappadocia, as bishop, and Julian over Cilicia. Theophilus the Indian not long afterwards betook himself to Antioch in Coele-Syria of his own accord, for the special purpose of rousing Euzoius to carry into execution the decrees which had been passed in favour of Aetius; and, if he could not accomplish this point, at all events to preside over the people who adhered to his own views of doctrine. But the care of both parts of Libya, and all who professed their doctrines throughout Egypt, was placed in the hands of Serras and Stephen and Heliodorus. In relating all these matters, Philostorgius exceeds all bounds of moderation in praising their eloquence and their sanctity of life to the skies.

CHAP. 3.—Philostorgius makes mention of a certain bishop named Theodosius,¹³⁹ a most zealous supporter of the Eunomian tenets, but a follower of wanton women, and one who added some other impious tenets to the ancient creed, and especially this, namely, that the nature of Christ was subject to change, but that by the most perfect practice of the Christian virtues he was raised to a state not subject to change; and also that God neither speaks nor hears, for else he would have material hands and ears. Many other impious assertions of the same Theodosius are also related by him. |487 

CHAP. 4.—Aetius, indeed, went into Lydia to set Candidas and Arrian over the districts of that province. But the aforesaid Theodosius, fearing that their life would be the condemnation of his own, took up hostilities against Aetius, although previously he had refused to put his signature to the synodical epistle¹⁴⁰ against him;¹⁴¹ and having communicated his design to Phoebus,¹⁴² who was himself of the number of those who had declined to condemn Aetius, and who was inclined to regard Theodosius in the more friendly manner from early remembrance of him, and from being like to him in the immorality of his life,—the two joined forces with Auxidianus, who, like themselves, had been a bishop, and laid their plans against Aetius and Candidas, collected together six other bishops, and having formed themselves into a synod, sent letters by common consent to Eudoxius and Maris. In these letters they condemned the ordination of Aetius as illegal, especially on the ground that after his being deposed from the diaconate, and while as yet he was still under the censure of those who had deposed him, still, though degraded from the lower office, he had been promoted to the higher rank. They also assailed the ordination of Candidus and Arrianus, on the ground that they had been hastily performed without the common consent, and likewise other ordinations which had been held by Aetius. Eudoxius, however, having very readily received this letter, never took the pains to call back to mind the sacred oaths by which he had pledged himself to Eunomius, and the letters which he had written to Euzoius, and the many and various pledges by which he had ratified his promises. But he wrote back to Theodosius and his companions, urging them to carry on the matter with promptness, and exhorting them to reserve their punishments for those who had held ordinations, rather than visit those who had been ordained with penalties.

CHAP. 5.—The emperor Jovian restored the churches to their original uses,¹⁴³ and set them free from all the vexatious |488 persecutions inflicted on them by the apostate Julian. He also called back from exile all whom he had banished because they refused to abandon their faith : among their number was Valentinian,¹⁴⁴ who at that time returned from Thebes in Egypt.

CHAP. 6.—Philostorgius says, that Candidus and Arrianus, relatives of Jovian, came to him while he was staying at Edessa, and resisted him in his efforts to conciliate the goodwill of the emperor towards Athanasius. But the emperor referred what was said on either side to be decided by the common voice, and meantime showed no sign as to which of the two sides he regarded with favour.

CHAP. 7.—Eudoxius addressed to Euzoius certain letters against Candidus and Arrianus. Euzoius felt indignant at this step, so he joined forces with Elpidius, and wrote back to Eudoxius, partly in censure of his opinion, and partly, on the other hand, exhorting him the rather to give up opinions of such a nature. At the same time he visited him with a gentle censure for the long delay which he had made in performing the promises which he had made Eunomius in favour of Aetius.

CHAP. 8.—The emperor Jovian, having arrived at Ancyra, on his way to Constantinople, gave the title of "most noble" to one of his two sons, named Varronianus, who was then quite a child. Thence he set out with his army on a further expedition, though it was the very depth of winter, and lost many of his men upon the road; reaching Dadastana itself together with a few survivors.¹⁴⁵ Having put up at a certain station on the way, he laid down to take his rest in a bedchamber, the walls of which had been recently white-washed; and when a fire was lit, and the heat diffused itself through the room, the moisture of the newly-stained walls began to exude, and being drawn in by the nostrils in breathing, choked up the passages of the lungs, and suffocated the emperor, after he had held the imperial throne about ten months complete. |489 His corpse was afterwards brought to Constantinople. The army on its arrival at Nicaea, after a lapse of twelve days, proclaimed Valentinian emperor, according to a suggestion of Datian the patrician, communicated in letters from Galatia, where he had been left, partly on account of his old age, and partly on account of the severity of the winter. Secundus,¹⁴⁶ prefect of the Praetorium, and Arinthaeus, master of the horse, together with Dagalairus, chamberlain of the household, joined in effecting this matter. And when forthwith after his proclamation, the army, as it carried along the emperor on a shield,¹⁴⁷ demanded of him that he would choose some one to share with him the imperial power,¹⁴⁸ Valentinian lifted up his hand and commanded them to hold their peace; and no way alarmed, he thus addresed them with all the firmness of an emperor. "It was your own free choice and vote, my soldiers, which raised me from a private state to the dignity of emperor. Henceforth, however, to discern and to arrange what is to be done, is the place of the emperor only, and not that of his subjects." As soon, however, as he had entered Constantinople, he took his brother Valens to share his throne, and having made this appointment, went as far as Sirmium in the regions of the West; here he divided with his brother all the imperial ornaments, and the other insignia of state and court, and sent him back to Constantinople, assigning to him all those parts of the East which had been formerly subject to Constantius. The emperor himself, however, took in hand the other two portions of the empire, and so possessed himself of the entire West. And not long afterwards he began to train up, in imitation of his own character, his son Gratian, whom he advanced to the regal dignity at a very early age.

CHAP. 9.—Philostorgius says, that Hypatia,¹⁴⁹ the daughter of Theon, was so well educated in mathematics by her father, that she far surpassed her teacher, and especially in astronomy, and taught many others the mathematical sciences. The impious writer asserts that, during the reign of Theodosius |490 the younger, she was torn in pieces by the Homoousian party.

CHAP. 10.—The author here relates that there was a Philostorgius living in the days of Valens and Valentinian, who was the most illustrious physician of his time. He had two sons, Philagrius and Posidonius. Of these two, he relates that he saw Posidonius, who was also eminent as a physician. This Posidonius, however, used falsely to assert that men do not grow fanatic by the agency of evil spirits, but merely by the superfluity of certain evil humours; and that there is no power in evil spirits to assail the human race. At the same period also flourished Magnus, who practised the same art at Alexandria.

CHAP. 11.—This impious writer, though against his will, expresses his admiration of the wisdom of Basil the Great and Gregory the theologian; whose country Nazianzum he calls Nadiandum. But he prefers to both the one and the other Apollinaris of Laodicea, as far as regards the literature of the Scriptures, though he admits that in panegyrical discourses the latter is surpassed by Basil; while Gregory, as compared with the other two, had a much more rounded style of composition; he was also more fluent in speech than Apollinaris, and more stately than Basil.

CHAP. 12.—He says that not only Basil the Great, but also Apollinaris, wrote against the Apology of Eunomius; but that Eunomius replied to him in five books, and that when he had read only the first of these, he was struck with such profound remorse that he died. Thus does this writer show how much more highly he values falsehood than truth,

CHAP. 13.—He openly calumniates these same most holy men, Basil and Gregory. For he makes out that they said that the Son was not made man, but dwelt in a human frame; and on this account Apollinaris joined their party. He also not only accuses him on account of those matters for which he is deservedly censured by pious individuals, but he also relates that ho was carried away into another strange belief. For among other things, he asserts that he denied the resurrection of the body.¹⁵⁰ |491

CHAP. 14.—In the books which he wrote against Porphyry, Apollinaris far surpassed all that had been written against the same Porphyry by Eusebius. He also left far behind the books of Methodius on the same subject.

CHAP. 15.—He says further, but I know not whence he derives his information, that Apollinaris was a bishop, and that Novatus was of Phrygian descent.

CHAP. 16.—He also asserts that Cibates was the birthplace of Valens and Valentinian.

CHAP. 17.—He says that among those who professed the doctrine of the likeness of the Son in substance to the Father, the most celebrated were Theodore, bishop of Heraclea in Thrace, and George, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, an Alexandrian by origin, who had previously devoted himself to the study of philosophy. Next to these in esteem and in point of time came the elder Eustathius, a man held in high veneration by the people, and most powerful in his method of persuasion. To these must be added Basil and Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, and Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, as well as Marathonius and Maximin, presbyters of the church at Constantinople.

CHAP. 18.—In his comparison of Eunomius and Aetius, Philostorgius prefers the latter in respect to the force of his demonstrations, and his ready faculty of reply to objections, saying that everything seems to lie ready for use at the tip of his tongue. But as to perspicuity in teaching, and a style well suited to learners, he prefers Eunomius.

EPITOME OF BOOK IX.

CHAP. 1.—THE ninth book of Philostorgius contains some wonderful miracles wrought by the hands of Aetius, Eunomius, and Leontius,—inventions of the author; as likewise some others wrought by Candidus, Evagrius, Arrianus, and Florentius; but above all, by Theophilus the Indian, and of certain other persons, whom their zeal rendered more vehement |492 than others in their profession of the same impiety. When Philostorgius was compiling these fictions, it would seem that no idea of their absurdity came into his mind to keep him in check.

CHAP. 2.—Philostorgius says that, when Moses punished Jannes and Jambres with wounds inflicted by heaven, he also condemned to death the mother of the latter.

CHAP. 3.— According to Philostorgius, Valens, upon his return from Illyricum to Constantinople, paid especial honours to Eudoxius;¹⁵¹ and when Eudoxius had it in his power without difficulty to fulfil his promises to Eunomius, he lacked the will to do so. Euzoius¹⁵² also had, in like manner, an opportunity of ordering to be put into execution the resolutions which he had carried on their behalf in the synod held at Antioch. But both the one and the other were so far from remembering their promises, that Euzoius began to abuse the very persons whose cause he had espoused, calling in mockery the followers of Aetius and Theophilus the Indian,¹⁵³ "Heaven-goers," as though it were not religion and the faith that was at stake, but merely the choice of colours or genera. Eudoxius, too, heaped upon them other reproaches, and also used this very term "Heaven-goers"¹⁵⁴ against them in the church. I indeed do not call those men impious, says Philostorgius, as they wish to be called, lest their apostasy should seem to the world to have a show of reason; but I call them pests and plagues.

CHAP. 4.—Aetius and Eunomius now broke off entirely from Eudoxius and Euzoius, and intrusted the church of Constantinople to Florentius, Aetius at the same time leaving the city, and sailing to Lesbos. Here he lived in a certain rural |493 district near Mitylene, receiving with kind speeches such as repaired to him. This very district the emperor Julian had given to Aetius as a sign of his good-will and affection. Eunomius, however, passing over to Chalcedon, lived there in a garden close to the sea walls, which was his own property, taking especial care of his revenues, as Aetius did, though neither of them thenceforth had the charge of any particular church. But the followers of their sect considered them as their common fathers and leaders. Eunomius certainly, since he had left the city of Cyzicus, never celebrated the holy mysteries¹⁵⁵ of the altar during the remainder of his life, although there was no bishop of the same sect who transacted any ecclesiastical matters without consulting his opinion.

CHAP. 5.—Upon entering on the third year of his empire, Valens commenced an expedition against the Persians. At the same time¹⁵⁶ Procopius¹⁵⁷ also seized upon the imperial power at Constantinople. He was near of kin to Julian; and many opinions were passed concerning him, which said that the empire ought to be offered to him; and these opinions from time to time were spread publicly abroad. On this account, as soon as Jovian was raised to the empire, Procopius took to flight and left Mesopotamia with his wife. Being obliged to conceal himself, by changing about from place to place, which he did with great difficulty and distress, weary at length of his wanderings and concealment, at last he threw, as men say, his last stake. Accordingly he went to Chalcedon, and, in the absence of Eunomius, took refuge in the land belonging to him outside the town. Hence he passed over to Constantinople, and seized upon the imperial power without bloodshed. And not long afterwards, having engaged in battle with Valens, he was overcome by the treachery of his generals, Gomarius |494 and Agelius, and, taking to flight, he retreated to Nicaea. Next day, while he was meditating to take his departure thence, he was seized by Florentius, who was in charge of the garrison of that town, and was carried in chains to Valens. Procopius soon afterwards was beheaded, having had possession of his power for about the space of six months. But his betrayal of Procopius did not avail to insure the life of Florentius; for his soldiers delivered him to be burnt, being enraged with him on account of a former grudge, because, when he had been sent by Procopius to garrison Nicaea, he had treated several of them with indignity as favourers of the side of Valens.

CHAP. 6. — Whilst Procopius was still exercising the imperial power, Eunomius came to him during his stay at Cyzicus. The arrival of Eunomius seemed to demand the liberation of those who were illegally detained in prison by Procopius, where they had been cast into chains, because they had embraced the part of Valens. These relations had constrained Eunomius to undertake this embassy : he accordingly took it in hand, and immediately returned as soon as he had set them free from chains. About the same time the person who had been sent by Procopius to administer the island of Lesbos,¹⁵⁸ brought Aetius also into public disgrace, by getting the inhabitants to accuse him of favouring the side of Valens. And beyond a doubt a violent death would have ensued, had not one of the most influential persons in the court of Procopius come up at the time and saved Aetius from the sword. For the person who had been sent by Procopius was a relative of Herennianus and Gerresianus, two brothers, who had lived much in company with Eunomius, and who had been joined with him in the indictment. Accordingly, in pursuance of the authority with which he had been invested, having severely threatened the judge who had condemned them, and having rescinded the capital sentence passed upon them, he sent them away freely and fully acquitted of the crimes alleged against them. Aetius, however, took them along with himself and sailed for Constantinople, where he lived with Eunomius and Florentius for a short space of time, after which he died. Eunomius closed his eyes and mouth, and carried out |495 in the most splendid style the other ceremonies appertaining to the funeral conjointly with the followers of the same sect.

CHAP. 7.—Whilst Eudoxius was staying with Valens at Marcianopolis, the clergy of the church at Constantinople resolved that Eunomius should be banished from the royal city. Accordingly the latter went to Chalcedon, and wrote and told Eudoxius what had happened. Eudoxius was not only not moved by the contents of the letter, but also showed openly his indignation at his not having had to bear a more severe sentence.

CHAP. 8.—Some persons, says Philostorgius, censured Eunomius, because he had concealed Procopius in his country place, when he was meditating to seize the imperial power. This calumny, and an attempt upon his life on account of it, Eunomius escaped with great difficulty. Yet he was sent into exile in Mauritania; a punishment inflicted on him by Auxonius, the prefect of the Praetorium. Eunomius, indeed, was led off into exile during the continuance of the bad weather of winter. But on his arrival at Mursa, a city of Illyricum,¹⁵⁹ the bishop of which city was a certain Valens,¹⁶⁰ he was received with great kindness by him and recalled from banishment, Valens having joined Domninus, bishop of Marcianopolis, in an application on his behalf to the emperor, and pleaded the cause of Eunomius with great interest. After recalling Eunomius from exile, the emperor was anxious to admit him into his presence; but Eudoxius contrived by some artifices to prevent this interview. But after this, he went to Nicaea to ordain a bishop in that place, in the room of Eugenius,¹⁶¹ bishop of that city, who had recently died; but before he had brought the matter to a conclusion, he departed this life. Demophilus, however, was translated from Beraea to Constantinople, the emperor approving the decree of the synod.¹⁶² |496

CHAP. 9.—Philostorgius says that a certain presbyter named Anysius lived at Borissus, a village of the further part of Cappadocia; this man had four sons,¹⁶³ and an only daughter, named Eulampia, who was the mother of Philostorgius, the writer of this history. Her husband, Carterius by name, who followed the sect of Eunomius, persuaded his wife to come over to his own opinion; for she was one who, both on her father's and mother's side, inherited an attachment to the consubstantial faith. The woman was drawn over by the persuasions of her husband, and gained over to the same opinion, first, her brothers, then her father, and lastly, by degrees, the remainder of her relatives.

CHAP. 10.—Theodore, bishop of Heraclea, as Philostorgius relates, had an especial hand in placing Demophilus in the see of Constantinople; for the privilege of this particular consecration seemed to belong to him more particularly. And farther, while Demophilus was being placed in the episcopal see, many of the people who were present cried out, not "He is worthy,"¹⁶⁴ but, " He is unworthy."

CHAP. 11.—Modestus,¹⁶⁵ who was promoted after Auxonius as prefect of the Praetorium, being indignant with Eunomius, as Philostorgius says, condemned him unheard, as one who raised disturbances in churches and states, and so he banished him to the island of Naxos.

CHAP. 12.—Caesarea was originally called Mozoca, from Mosoch, a prince of Cappadocia; but, in process of time, the name was corrupted into Mazaca.

CHAP. 13.—From the day that Eunomius had left Cyzicus, no bishop, according to Philostorgius, had been appointed in his room. But Demophilus, upon his arrival at Cyzicus with Dorotheas and others,¹⁶⁶ found that he could bring nothing to |497 pass in the matter of ordaining a bishop, because the inhabitants of that city were most zealous in their profession of the similarity of substance, according to the teaching and instruction of Eleusius, who had confirmed them in this opinion. But when Demophilus and his partisans had admitted the protest of the people of Cyzicus, and had condemned and anathematized Aetius and Eunomius, (for this was what their protest amounted to,) and both in their speeches and their public writings had called him a "denier of similarity,"¹⁶⁷ and had subjected to the same anathema both their faith and all the followers of it, at length the people of Cyzicus admitted his ordination, though they suffered no one else to be advanced to the episcopate, except such only as they had preferred by their votes. The individual ordained as bishop straightway preached and taught the consubstantial faith.

CHAP. 14.—Upon the death of Euzoius, bishop of Antioch, Dorotheus¹⁶⁸ was translated from Heraclea of Thrace to the see which he had held. Philostorgius however is severe upon both Demophilus and Dorotheus; the latter he calls the vainest of men, while he accuses Demophilus of being wont to mix up everything in confusion, and especially the dogmas of the church. So that on a certain occasion, while he was preaching before the people of Constantinople, he said that the body of Christ was mingled with his Divinity, and so entirely disappeared, just as a pint of milk is lost when poured into the vast body of the ocean. Demophilus was a native of the city of Thessalonica,¹⁶⁹ and of noble descent. He was also very much enraged with the partisans of Eunomius, and visited them with the severest penalties.

CHAP. 15.—During the time of Valens, the oracles of the heathens gave to those who consulted them, pebbles marked |498 with certain letters. These letters, when combined together, seemed to some to make up the name of Theodosius, to others that of Theodulus or Theodore, or of some other individual. For the forms of letters went on regularly as far as D, the daemons, according to their custom, giving ambiguous responses,¹⁷⁰ to the ruin of those who trust in them, but so as to escape the discredit of having spoken untruly. Hence a certain Theodore among the Syrians, being led aside by deceit to attempt to seize upon the imperial power, was immediately put to death along with those who had followed him. Together with them Valens punished also many innocent persons because their names began with the same letters.

CHAP. 16.—The emperor Valentinian died, after a reign of twelve years, leaving his son Gratian heir to the empire. He left also two other children, his daughter Galla and the younger Valentinian, who was only about four years of age.¹⁷¹ His mother Justina and the army in Pannonia straightway caused the child to be proclaimed emperor. Gratian, however, on hearing of this proceeding, withheld his approval from the proclamation of Valentinian, because it had been made without his sanction. He moreover punished some¹⁷² of those who had dared to make the attempt. Nevertheless he did not entirely refuse to share the throne with his brother, towards whom also he discharged the duty of a father.

CHAP. 17.—The Scythians who dwelt on the further side of the Rhine were attacked by an invasion of the Huns, and being forced from their settlements, and being driven out of their abodes, they crossed over into the Roman territory under the pretence of friendly intentions. The Huns would seem to be identical with those who were anciently called Neuri; and their settlements were at the foot of the Rhipaean¹⁷³ mountains, |499 out of which the river Tanais takes its rise and pours its waters into the Sea of Azof. But the Scythians, having crossed over into the territory of the Romans, at first conducted themselves quietly towards the latter, but afterwards they began to plunder, and finally made open war upon them, without previously sending a herald to proclaim war. As soon as Valens learned these tidings, he straightway quitted Antioch, and reaching Constantinople, made his way with speed into Thrace. Here he encountered the barbarians, and having lost many of his soldiers, he speedily betook himself to flight. At last, being driven to the most extreme necessity, and being wholly destitute of counsel, he hid himself, together with a few of his followers, in a small rural cottage where some hay was stored up. The barbarians who were in pursuit of him burnt everything that came in their way, and among other things, the hut above mentioned, little imagining that the emperor was there. Thus died Valens,¹⁷⁴ losing at the same time the most brave and numerous portion of his Roman soldiery. The barbarians, too, without any fear henceforth overran and devastated the whole of Thrace, under their general Fritigernus. Gratian mourned for his uncle, and shed tears for the calamity which had befallen the empire; and having proclaimed Theodosius emperor, he sent him to govern that part of the empire which was in his uncle's hands. The native country of this Theodosius was Spain, now called Iberia; the river Iberus,¹⁷⁵ which flows through it, having abolished its former name.

CHAP. 18.—On the death of Theodulus of Chaeretapa, who was bishop of Palestine, Eunomius ordained Carterius in his room; and on his death shortly after, John was chosen to supply the vacancy. Eunomius, Arrianus, and Euphronius left Constantinople and went into the East in company with this John, in order to bring Julian thither from Cilicia, and to meet Theophilus the Indian at Antioch, and to regulate the entire state of matters in the East.

CHAP. 19.—The emperor Theodosius met the barbarians |500 near the city of Sirmium,¹⁷⁶ whither he had gone as soon as he had received the imperial purple, on account of the exigencies of the state: then, having defeated the barbarians in battle, he entered the city of Constantinople with great pomp, and intrusted the care of the churches to the consubstantial party, driving out of the city the party of Arius and Eunomius. Among their number was Demophilus, who, on his expulsion, betook himself to his own city Beraea. Hypatius also, being driven out of Nicaea, withdrew to Cyrus in Syria, the place of his birth. Dorotheus, too, being driven out of Antioch, went off into Thrace, whence he originally came. The rest dispersed into their different localities.

EPITOME OF BOOK X.

CHAP. 1.—DOROTHEUS indeed, as we said above, was driven cut of Antioch, The presbyters, however, of the same city, Asterius and Crispinus, and the rest of the clergy, convened a council, at which some of the neighbouring bishops were present, and sent to Eunomius and his party, demanding to be admitted into communion by them. These, however, sent letters by way of reply, to the effect that they would receive them into communion on no other conditions except that they should rescind the sentence of condemnation which they had formerly passed on Aetius and his writings; and moreover, they required them to show a reformation in their lives; for they were tainted by some impure actions. The others did not at that time admit the proffered conditions, but afterwards they went so far as to revile Eunomius and his party in the churches, calling them "Men in the clouds;"¹⁷⁷ and full |501 of desperation and madness, because forsooth they had dared to proffer to them such, terms as those mentioned above,

CHAP. 2. — Philostorgius brings a charge of impiety against their leader Arius, because he said that the God of the universe consisted of many parts; for he declares that Arius asserted that God can be comprehended, not in his entire magnitude, but so far as each individual is gifted with strength to comprehend him; and that he also gave it as his opinion that God was neither substance nor person, nor any one of those things which are usually predicated of him; ¹⁷⁸ and that these assertions are supported by the synods of Ariminum and Constantinople, the latter of which declared that the mode of the generation of the Son was entirely unknown to all, ascribing the knowledge of that generation to him alone who begot him.¹⁷⁹ Now this is the very synod which passed sentence of condemnation on Aetius.

CHAP. 3. — The Arian party developed their doctrine of the likeness of the only-begotten Son to the Father into a variety of heresies; some of them, for instance, made it to consist in the fact that both of them have a foreknowledge of future events. Others, again, in that both the Father and the Son are born God. Others, again, in the fact that both can create things out of nothing. But, says Philostorgius, these opinions, though they seem to be at variance with each other, all come to one point in the end, namely, in that they declare the Son to be of one substance¹⁸⁰ with the Father. Philostorgius, moreover, adds, that this party, after being cut up into a variety of discordant sects, perpetrated many other foul and disgraceful deeds, buying and selling the priesthood¹⁸¹ for money, and giving themselves up to the lowest of sensual pleasures.

CHAP. 4. — The Eunomians, according to the testimony of Philostorgius, so utterly abhorred the heresies above mentioned, |502 that they would not admit their baptism or their ordination. Moreover, the Eunomians baptized not with trine immersion, but with one immersion only, baptizing, as they said, into the Lord's death;¹⁸² and this death (they added) he underwent for us once only, and not three times.

CHAP. 5. — The emperor Theodosius invested his son Arcadius ¹⁸³ with the imperial purple while he was still very young. And not long afterwards, the emperor Gratian was put to death in Gaul by the treachery of the tyrant Maximus. Philostorgius also forges many calumnies against Gratian, going even so far as to compare him with Nero. For his profession of the right rule of faith did not please Philostorgius in Gratian.

CHAP. 6. — The emperor Theodosius, on finding some of the chamberlains of his court infected with the Eunomian doctrines, expelled them from his palace. Eunomius himself he ordered to be banished from the city of Chalcedon, and to he sent into exile at Halmyris.¹⁸⁴ This Halmyris is a place in Moesia, situate on the Danube; but soon after this it was captured by the barbarians, who crossed the Danube when it was frozen over. Eunomius is dismissed thence to Caesarea in Cappadocia. But becoming distasteful to the people of Caesarea, because he had formerly written some books against their bishop, Basil, he was permitted to live in his country place, which was called the Dacoroenian fields. In this place, Philostorgius writes, that when he was twenty years of age, he came to Constantinople and saw Eunomius. He raises him to the very skies with praise, and declares that his prudence and virtue were consummate. He also describes his personal appearance, his countenance, body, and limbs, as full of grace and dignity. He compares also to pearls the speeches which flowed from his lips, though shortly afterwards he confesses him, even against his will, to have lisped. And he is not ashamed to exalt this lisp into a mark of great grace and elegance. Moreover, the white leprosy,¹⁸⁵ which marked his |503 face as it were with brands and sears, were an addition to the majesty of his person. And further, although he praises very highly the rest of his writings, still he affirms that his Epistles far surpass the rest of his works in merit.

CHAP. 7.—Upon the demise of his empress Placidia,¹⁸⁶ Theodosius took to wife Galla, the sister of the younger Valentinian, and the daughter of Valentinian the Great, and of Justina, who was created Augusta.¹⁸⁷ This Justina was a follower of the Arian heresy. By Galla Theodosius had a daughter who was named Placidia.

CHAP. 8.—Theodosius joined his forces with those of Valentinian at Thessalonica, and set out to meet the tyrant Maximus; for the latter, when he had possessed himself of Gratian's share in the imperial purple, endeavoured to obtain possession of that of Valentinian as well. Accordingly, the emperors send against the tyrant,¹⁸⁸ Timasius and Richomer, masters of the cavalry, as likewise Promotus and Arbogastes. These surprise him by a sudden attack, and quickly hurl him down from his throne, strip him of the insignia of empire, and bring him before the emperors in the dress of a private citizen. Maximus was then beheaded, having exercised the power of a tyrant for five years.

CHAP. 9.—After gaining this victory over Maximus, and after the arrival¹⁸⁹ of Theodosius at Rome, when the emperor was on the point of taking his departure thence, a new and strange star¹⁹⁰ was seen in the sky, which announced the coming of very great calamities upon the world. It appeared first at midnight, near the east, in the very circle which is called the Zodiac. It was large and bright, and in brilliance it was not much inferior to the morning star. After this, a concourse of stars gathered around it on every side, like a swarm of bees gathering in a cluster round their queen. Then, as if impelled, by some mutual collision, the light of all the stars mingled |504 together, and shone forth in a single flame, assuming the shape of a double-edged sword, huge and terrible. But that one star which first appeared seemed like the hilt of the sword above mentioned, or rather like a root shooting up the large body of light, from what appeared to be a star, surmounted with flowers darting up like the flame from a lamp. Such was the novel and wondrous sight exhibited by the star which then appeared. Its course, moreover, was very different from that of the rest of the stars; for from the time of its first appearing in the place where we have said, and moving on from thence, it began to rise and set together with the morning star. Afterwards, however, receding by little and little, it went up towards the north, advancing slowly and gradually, and following its own course with a slight deflection towards the left of those who beheld it, but in reality it pursued in the same course as the other stars, with which it came into contact from time to time. At length, having completed its course in the space of forty days, it suddenly passed on into the sign of the Great Bear, and was last seen in the very centre of it, where, soon afterwards, it was extinguished. In addition to these particulars, Philostorgius gives us many other wonderful details concerning this star in the shape of a sword.

CHAP. 10.—Philostorgius says that he himself wrote against Porphyry on behalf of the Christians.

CHAP. 11.—At the very time of the appearance of this star in the shape of a sword, there were seen also two human bodies; one in Syria, far surpassing in height the usual stature of man, the other in Egypt, of incredible smallness. The Syrian was five cubits and a palm in height; though his feet were by no means in proportion to the rest of the body, but were turned inwards and crooked. His name was Anthony. The Egyptian, however, was so extremely short, that he gracefully imitated partridges shut up in cages, and that the latter played and strove with him in jest. And what is more wonderful still he had a stock of practical wisdom by no means commensurate with his bodily stature. His voice was far from unmusical, and his conversation evinced clearly the excellence of his intellectual powers. Both of these lived in the time of Philostorgius, and neither of them was short-lived;¹⁹¹ the tall one dying after reaching five and twenty years of age, and the |505 diminutive one nearly attaining the same number. In this place Philostorgius makes mention of many other prodigies which had happened either at the same time with, or just before, those above-mentioned.

CHAP. 1.2. — Philostorgius says, that the fast of the fourth and sixth days of the week does not consist in mere abstinence from flesh meat, but that it is laid down by the canons, that no kind of food whatever is to be taken till evening. For concerning Eudoxius,¹⁹² a follower of his own peculiar heresy, who was of the degree of presbyter, though he had lost his genitals, he thus writes, "He was so zealous in keeping the fast, that throughout his life he observed not only those days which the Christians keep, according to the precept of the church, in memory of the Passion of our Lord." 

(Here four pages are wanting, and the 10th book is imperfect.)

EPITOME OF BOOK XI.

(The beginning of this book is wanting.)

CHAP. 1.—[VALENTINIAN ¹⁹³ the Younger] used to hunt bears and lions; but while he was only in his twentieth year, he was deprived of his life, his imperial purple, and his field-sports. |506 He was also uncontrollable in his rage, and this was the chief cause of his death. For on one occasion, when he was conversing in the palace with Arbogastes, and was roused to anger by something that he said, he attempted to draw a sword against his Master of the Horse. He was checked, however; for the attendant whose sword he endeavoured to draw, held him back, and endeavoured by his words to remove all suspicion from Arbogastes. At the same time he found out from the words of the emperor himself what were his designs, and brought them into light. For on asking what was the motive of so violent an outburst, the emperor answered that he was about to lay violent hands on himself, because, although he was emperor, he was not allowed to do everything that he pleased. Arbogastes at the time made no very curious inquiry. But afterwards, when he had dined one day at Vienne in Gaul, and when he had seen him with some low buffoons, lying down and dipping his lips into the river, he sent some of his attendants to attack him. These laid violent hands upon him and savagely strangled him, while not one of the emperor's servants were at hand, for at that moment they had gone to take their dinner. But that none might straightway make search after the authors of his death, they tied his handkerchief like a noose around his neck, and hung him ¹⁹⁴ with it up to a tree, so that it might seem that he had hung himself of his own accord.

CHAP. 2.—After the murder of Valentinian, Arbogastes found himself excluded from the imperial purple by reason of his birth; so he proclaimed as emperor a certain man named Eugenius, who in rank was a magister, but in religion was a heathen. Having discovered this, Theodosius placed the imperial crown on the head of Honorius, one of his two sons, and spent the entire winter in making the necessary preparations for war. But as soon as the spring approached, he commenced his expedition against the usurper: on arriving at the Alps, he seized upon them by a stratagem, and having met the usurper near the river called Frigidus, and having fought with him a severe conflict, in which very many were killed on both sides, at length victory turned aside from the usurper, and placed the crown on the head of the legitimate |507 emperor. On this the usurper was captured and beheaded. Arbogastes cast aside all hope of escape, so he fell upon his own sword, and so terminated his life. After this the emperor made his entry into Milan; when he sent for his son Honorius, and gave up into his hands the command of the entire West. After gaining this victory over the usurper, Theodosius died of a dropsical disease after a reign of sixteen years; during which time,¹⁹⁵ as emperor, he had arrived at the highest pinnacle of human felicity. For, having gained fame by his victories, and having chained the crown of the entire Roman empire, and having seen his two sons raised to the imperial dignity, which he left to them firmly secured and free from conspiracy, he died upon his own bed the happiest of deaths, obtaining, as it seems to me, this reward of the burning zeal which he cherished against the worship of images. When the impious Philostorgius speaks thus concerning Theodosius, he is not ashamed to traduce him at the same time as given to intemperate living and immoderate pleasures, saying that it was by this means that he contracted his fatal dropsy.

CHAP. 3.—In the Eastern parts Rufinus held the highest post of esteem with Arcadius, whilst in the West Stilicho held the same position with respect to Honorius. Both of these generals readily allowed the name and title of emperor to remain¹⁹⁶ in the hands of the two sons of Theodosius, while they retained in their own hands the actual authority of empire, each of them ruling his own emperor, the one under the title of Master of the Cavalry, the other under that of Prefect. Neither of them, moreover, was content with the place which he held under his emperor. For Rufinus, indeed, spared no artifice to invest himself with the title of emperor, while Stilicho used his efforts to secure the purple for his son Eucherius. But the soldiers who had gone forth to war against the usurper under Theodosius, on their return from Rome, slew¹⁹⁷ with their swords Rufinus in the place which is called the Tribunal, at the very feet of the emperor; and this |508 they did partly in compliance with the instructions of Stilicho, and partly because they found themselves scornfully treated by Rufinus. And further, it is to be observed that he was put to death on that very day on which the astrologers¹⁹⁸ had all but invested him by anticipation with the purple. Moreover, Rufinus was tall in person and of a manly disposition, according to Philostorgius. The quick glance of his eye and the eloquence of his tongue showed him to be a person of skill and ability. On the other hand, Arcadius was short of stature, and weak in bodily frame; his personal strength was slight, and his complexion dark. The sloth of his natural disposition showed itself in his speech, and in the blinking of his eyes, which remained closed like those of persons asleep, and were kept open with an effort. These points caused Rufinus to miscalculate his chance, for he thought that at the very first sight the army would gladly choose him as emperor, and depose Arcadius. Moreover, the soldiers having cut off Rufinus' head, inserted a stone into its mouth, and carrying it about upon a pole they marched forth in every direction. They cut off his right hand too, and carried it about through all the workshops of the city, adding these words, "Give something to the insatiate one." In this way they collected together a large amount of gold, for they who saw the head, gladly gave their gold on account of the pleasure they derived from the spectacle. The ambition and thirst after power which marked Rufinus met with this end. Stilicho¹⁹⁹ also, according to Philostorgius, was put to death with his fellow-conspirators by the army, upon a given signal, on account of the plots which he had laid against Honorius.

CHAP. 4.—After the murder of Rufinus, a eunuch named Eutropius, of servile descent, having gained entrance to the court, and having been promoted to the dignity of a Praepositus, still was far from being contented with his present condition. For, since the loss of his genitals deprived him of all hopes of the empire, he persuaded the emperor to appoint him to patrician and consular rank; and thus a eunuch, who |509 could not beget even a common son, became thenceforth the father of the emperor.

CHAP. 5.—According to Philostorgius, Eutropius, who succeeded Rufinus in the office of prefect of the Praetorium, gave orders to transfer Eunomius from the Dacoroenian territory to Tyana, to be there kept by the monks. For he felt envy against the glory of Eunomius, and would not suffer his body even to be laid in the same tomb with the master, though many of the soldiers earnestly entreated him. The very books too of the same Eunomius he commanded to be destroyed by a public edict.²⁰⁰

CHAP. 6.—The emperor Arcadius, after his father's death, took to wife the daughter of Bauto. Now this Bauto was of barbarian origin, and had discharged the office of Master of the Soldiery in the West. The wife too was quite the opposite of her husband in respect of his sloth and indolence, for she had in her a considerable amount of the audacity which marks barbarians. Arcadius had already had by her two daughters, Pulcheria and Arcadia; and soon afterwards he had another son and daughter, named Theodosius and Marina. But at the time when he had only two children, Eutropius had on one occasion treated his wife with great indignity; for he threatened her that he would straightway turn her out of his palace; accordingly, embracing her two children in her arms, she came to her husband just as she was, and crying and stretching forth her children, she poured forth a flood of tears, adding also those other artifices which women in their anger are wont to adopt with the truly feminine design of exciting their husbands' feelings of pity more vehemently. Then Arcadius was moved with pity for his infants, who by a natural impulse joined their lamentations with those of their mother, and was fired with rage. And then it was that Arcadius showed himself to be an emperor,²⁰¹ while his anger inflamed him, and prompted to him weighty words. Accordingly he forthwith stripped Eutropius of all his dignity, deprived him of his wealth, and banished him to the island of Cyprus. And not long afterwards, when certain persons accused him of |510 having made use, when consul, of those very ornaments which no one but the emperor could legally use, he was recalled from Cyprus. And when the judges were seated in the place called Pantichium,²⁰² and Aurelian the prefect of the Praetorium, and the other magistrates who were in high command, had been appointed to carry on the investigation, Eutropius was convicted of the crime laid to his charge, and suffered the penalty of it by the loss of his head. Thus at all events Philostorgius gives the narrative of the event; others however allege different circumstances as the grounds on account of which Eutropius was stripped of his dignity and command, and eventually put to death.

CHAP. 7.—Philostorgius says that in his day there was so severe a pestilence as had never occurred before within the memory of man, in accordance with the portent of the star which appeared in the form of a sword. For not only was the military force destroyed, as in former wars, nor was it only in one part of the world that signal calamities occurred; but men of every rank and degree perished, and the whole of Europe and a very large part of Asia was entirely ravaged. A considerable portion of Africa also, and especially that part which was subject to the Romans, felt the blow. For the sword of the barbarians carried off large multitudes, and pestilence and famine pressed upon them at the same time together with large herds of wild beasts. In addition to this there were very grievous earthquakes, which overturned houses and entire cities from their foundations, and hurled them into inevitable ruin. Moreover, in certain parts the earth opened and gaped, swallowing up the inhabitants suddenly as in a tomb. There were also im certain other parts deluges of rain from heaven; in other parts fierce droughts and fiery whirlwinds, descending from above, to complete the manifold calamity till it was past endurance. Hail too fell in many places, bigger than a stone which would fill the hand, nay, it was found in some parts of such a size that it weighed no less than eight pounds. Moreover there was a great downfal of snow accompanied by a very severe frost, which seized upon those who had not been carried off by the other calamities, and deprived them of life, most clearly revealing the anger of |511 God. But to mention the details of these visitations is a task which surpasses human ability.

CHAP. 8.—The Huns,²⁰³ who had seized upon that part of Scythia which lies across the Ister and laid it waste, afterwards crossed the river when it was frozen over, and made an irruption into the Roman territory : then spreading themselves over the entire surface of Thrace, they laid waste all Europe. But the Eastern Huns crossed the river Tanais, and pouring into the provinces of the East, made an irruption through the Greater Armenia into a district called Melitine. Thence they proceeded to attack the parts about the Euphrates, and penetrated as far as Coele-Syria, and having overrun Cilicia, destroyed an incredible number of its inhabitants. Moreover the Mazices and Ausorians, who dwell between Africa and Libya, flocking in from the eastern parts, devastated Libya, and at the same time overran a considerable portion of Egypt. On the west they attacked the Africans, and inflicted upon them a similar loss. Besides all these barbarians, Tribigildus,²⁰⁴ a Scythian by birth and origin, and one of that tribe which are now called Goths,—for there are several distinct and separate tribes of this race,—this Tribigildus, finding himself surrounded by a large force of barbarians, while he resided at Nacolia in Phrygia, and when he had been rewarded with the title of a Count, (Comes,) suddenly became an enemy of the Romans instead of a friend; and beginning from Nacolia itself, he seized on very many cities of Phrygia, and made great havoc among their inhabitants. Gainas, the Master of the Soldiery, who was himself a barbarian, on being sent against him, betrayed the victory, for he was meditating a similar course against the Romans. Thereupon Tribigildus, as though flying away from Gainas, made an invasion into Pisidia and Pamphylia, and laid them waste; when at last, after having suffered many losses through the difficulty of the various places, and in his battles in Isauria, he escaped at length to the Hellespont, and crossing thence into Thrace, he died not very long afterwards. Gainas after his revolt assumed the dignity of Master of the Soldiery, returned to Constantinople, and endeavoured to seize upon it. But a |512 heavenly army, seen by those who had endeavoured to put the affair into execution, deterred his troops, and freed the city from all fear of a siege; while on the other hand it caused the opposing party to be caught, and gave them over into the hands of their foes. Accordingly a vast slaughter followed: Gainas too was seized with such alarm, that immediately upon night-fall, he broke through the guards of the gates by a sally and left the city, attended by a small band which he was able to rally round him. But since Thrace had been laid entirely waste, and could afford no means of sustenance or offer any rewards for another predatory incursion, Gainas crossed over into the Chersonese, contemplating to cross over thence into Asia by means of boats. As soon as this plan of his was made known to the emperor, Fravitas, the Master of the Soldiery, was sent against him. This person was a Goth by descent, and a pagan by religion; but he was faithful to the Romans, and most skilled in military tactics. Accordingly while Gainas was transporting his army in vessels to the opposite continent, he came against him with some ships of war, and after a light encounter destroyed all who were being carried in the transports. Hereupon Gainas, seeing that all hope was lost, fled away into the higher regions of Thrace. And not long afterwards certain Huns made an attack upon him and killed him : his head was seasoned with salt and carried to Constantinople. Besides these calamities, the tribe of the Isaurians inflicted several disasters on the Romans. For in the East they overran Cilicia and the neighbouring parts of Syria, and not only what is called Coele-Syria, but all that tract which stretches on till it joins Persia. But towards the north and north-west²⁰⁵ they invaded Pamphylia and laid waste Lycia. They also devastated the island of Cyprus, and likewise carried off the Lycaonians and Pisidians into slavery; and having driven the Cappadocians out of their settlements, and taken them captive, they pushed on as far as Pontus, and treated their captives far more savagely than was customary among the other barbarians. |513

EPITOME OF BOOK XII.

CHAP. 1.—PHILOSTORGIUS severely censures Stilicho on many other grounds, and more especially accuses him of having aimed at seizing the empire. He also relates how a certain magister named Olympius, seized with his own hand the sword which had been drawn against the emperor in his own palace, and so saved the emperor's life at the cost of great bodily injury, and lent him his aid and assistance in putting Stilicho to death while he was staying at Ravenna. Others call this man not Olympius but Olympiodorus; and they relate not that he came to the assistance of the emperor, but that he laid plots against Stilicho, who deserved well at his hands, and falsely accused him of aiming at the empire. They also state that, at this time, he was not a magister at all, but that he attained this dignity after the unjust murder of Stilicho, as the reward of his crime, and that not long afterwards he was put to death with clubs, and so paid to Stilicho the penalty of his nefarious wickedness.

CHAP. 2.—About the same period Alaric, a Goth by descent, having collected an army in the upper parts of Thrace, made an incursion into Achaia and took Athens; he also laid waste the regions belonging to Macedonia, and the borders of Dalmatia. Moreover, he made an inroad into Illyricum, and then crossed over the Alps, and overran the north of Italy. According to Philostorgius, he was recalled thence by Stilicho,²⁰⁶ who at this time was still alive, and who opened to him the passes of the Alps. He says that Stilicho employed against the emperor every possible artifice of treachery, and not only viewed him with an unfavourable eye because he was his son-in-law²⁰⁷—(for he had given him his daughter in marriage)— but also administered to him a potion for the purpose of preventing him from becoming a parent; nor did he perceive that, while he was endeavouring to proclaim his son Eucherius emperor in the teeth of right and justice, he was ruining and destroying, before arriving at his time, his own grandson, and the rightful heir to the imperial throne. And further, he |514 writes, that Stilicho assumed the imperial dignity so manifestly, openly, and without scruple, that he even coined money on which nothing was wanting but his image.

CHAP. 3.—Upon the death of Stilicho, the barbarians who were with him took his son and went away. When they had neared Rome, they permitted him to take refuge²⁰⁸ in a certain temple which enjoyed the privilege of a sanctuary. He laid waste everything that lay around the city, as well in order to avenge the death of Stilicho as because they were severely tried by hunger. But when Eucherius was put to death, in pursuance of letters from Honorius, which were superior to all rights of sanctuary, on this the barbarians joined Alaric. and urged him to lay siege to the city of Rome. He accordingly seizes the port of the city without delay : this was the largest arsenal of the Romans, consisting of three ports, and stretching out till they equalled a small city in magnitude : a large supply of corn belonging to the state was here stored up according to ancient custom. Accordingly, when Alaric had seized upon the port without much difficulty, he took the city of Rome, partly by stress of famine, and partly by his military engines; and by the common voice of the Romans, he proclaimed Attalus emperor, in compliance with the permission of Alaric. This Attalus was a native of Asia Minor; he was a heathen in religion, and the post which he held was that of prefect of the city of Rome. After the nomination of Attalus as emperor, Alaric thenceforth permitted the remaining portion of the Roman people, such in fact as had survived the famine, and had not been devoured by each other, to bring in supplies of corn from the port. Then, taking with him Attalus, to whom he acted as Master of the Soldiery, he advanced to Ravenna with an army to oppose Honorius. Whilst this was going on, Attalus urged Honorius voluntarily to adopt a private life, and purchase the safely of his body by cutting off his extremities. But Sarus, who had succeeded Stilicho as Master of the Soldiery, under Honorius, gave Alaric battle, and overcame him, forcing him to fly far away from the city of Ravenna. Then Alaric seized |515 upon the port²⁰⁹ himself, and stripped Attalus of the imperial purple; either on the plea that he was accused of being ill-disposed towards Alaric, or (as others say) because he contemplated entering upon a treaty with Honorius, and considered that it would be well first to remove the individual who seemed likely to prove an impediment to his plan. After this Alaric returned to Ravenna, and having offered to make a treaty²¹⁰ with Honorius, he was repulsed by the above-mentioned Sarus, who affirmed that a man who ought long since to have paid the penalty of his audacity, was unworthy to be reckoned among friends. Alaric was enraged at this speech, and a year after his first attack upon the port of the city of Rome, he marched off towards Rome, as an enemy, with a flag of hostility. But the fire of barbarians, and the sword of the enemy, and captivity by aliens, divided, as it were, among them the vast pile of her fame, and the greatness of her glory. For while the city of Rome was lying in ruins, Alaric laid waste Campania, and died of a disorder which seized upon him there.

CHAP. 4. —The brother of his wife, 

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[Here two lines of the Greek text are wanting.] 

[named ²¹¹ Adolphus, succeeded him. He was married to Placidia, the sister of Honorius, whom Alaric had carried off with him from Rome as a captive; to marry whom he had repudiated his former wife,] because she was of Sarmatian origin. According to Philostorgius, it was at this time that the. kingdom of iron and the kingdom of clay were united together.²¹² And not then only, but also at a subsequent period, when |516 Adolphus took Placidia to wife; for then the clay and the iron coalesced.

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[Here about nine lines of the Greek text are wanting.]  

[But²¹³ since the Scripture says that that alliance should not be lasting, therefore Constantius, who loved Placidia] had conceived in his mind the hope that if he could conquer Adolphus in war, he would be able to gain her as his wife. Not long after this Adolphus was put to death by one of his own domestics, after he had perpetrated several very foul deeds under the influence of anger. After this, the barbarians concluded a treaty with Honorius, and gave up into his hands both his sister Placidia and Attalus, having themselves first received from the emperor a grant of corn, and a district in Gaul for the purpose of tillage.

CHAP. 5.—After these events, the city of Rome gained a slight respite from its severe misfortunes, and began to be more thickly inhabited again: when the emperor arrived there, he signified both by gesture and by words his wish that the city should be restored; and having ascended the tribunal, he ordered Attalus to come to the lowest step of it. After this

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[Here two lines of the Greek text are wanting.]  

he cut off two of the fingers of his right hand, namely, the thumb and forefinger, and banished him into the island²¹⁴ of Lipara, without inflicting on him any other punishment, and actually supplying him besides with all the necessaries of life.

CHAP. 6.—About this same period Jovian²¹⁵ rebelled against the emperor, but his insurrection was speedily put down. His brother Sebastian, too, having made a similar attempt, suffered a similar penalty. But Heraclian, who imitated the madness of these men, was raised to a higher pitch of success, from which he had a proportionate notorious fall, the providence |517 of God clearly showing in his case that he allows nothing to pass its due bounds, and that he delights not in usurpers, but that he assists those who strive in defence of their lawful sovereign.

CHAP. 7.—After the death of Arcadius, his son Theodosius,²¹⁶ then quite a child, is proclaimed his successor in the Eastern parts of the empire. With him lived in the palace his sister Pulcheria, who administered and directed the imperial rescripts.²¹⁷

CHAP. 8.—When Theodosius had entered the years of boyhood,²¹⁸ on the 19th of July, a little after noon-day, the sun was so completely eclipsed that the stars appeared; and so great a drought followed on this eclipse that a sudden mortality carried off great multitudes both of men and of beasts in all parts. Moreover, at the time that the sun was eclipsed, a bright meteor appeared in the sky, in shape like a cone, which some persons in their ignorance called a cornet, for there was nothing like a comet in the phenomena of this meteor as it appeared. For its light did not end in a tail, nor had it any of the characteristics of a star, but it seemed like the flame of a huge lamp, subsisting by itself, with no star below it to answer to the appearance of a lamp.²¹⁹ Its track, too, was far different from that of comets. For it arose first in the east, just where the sun rises at the equinox, and then passing across the lowest star in the constellation of the Bear, crossed gradually over to the west. After measuring the whole expanse of the heavens, it at length disappeared, after it had continued its course for more than four months. Its apex, moreover, at one time was carried up to a high and narrow point, so that the meteor exceeded the length and shape of a cone, while at another time it returned to that particular form. Moreover, it showed to the eye a number of other prodigious appearances, which showed that it was different from common stars in nature. It began about midsummer, and continued |518 till nearly the end of autumn, and it was the precursor of severe wars and an incredible mortality. In the following year a series of earthquakes commenced, which cannot be easily compared with former ones. At the same time with the earthquakes, fire came down from the skies, which seemed to banish all hope of escape; however, it caused no destruction of life, for the mercy of God sent a violent wind which scattered the fire in every direction, and at length drove it into the sea. Then a new and strange sight was to be seen; —the waves of the sea burning in the day-time, like woods and forests,²²⁰ until at length the flames were extinguished in the waters.

CHAP. 9.—Moreover, in many places, immediately upon the occurrence of the earthquake, the roofs of houses were seen to be shattered with a loud crash and report, so that those who were within their walls beheld the sky above them. After this convulsion, they became joined and compacted again so closely that not a single trace of the occurrence was left. The same thing happened also to the flooring of houses in several places: granaries²²¹ falling in upon those who dwelt below, and pouring down upon them large heaps of grain through the sudden openings; then, again, the ground became solid and firm, so that they all began to doubt whence that fatal load of corn had fallen in upon them. Moreover, other strange and unwonted calamities of the same kind happened at this period, showing in the very clearest way that these things do not happen by a mere law and order of nature, as the heathen falsely imagine, but that they are sent down upon mankind as scourges of the Divine wrath.

CHAP. 10.—This same Philostorgius endeavours to show by a variety of proofs that earthquakes are not caused by an inundation of water, nor by the force of winds pent up within the bosom of the earth; nor, again, from any deviation of the earth; but only happen by the will of God, for the purpose of converting sinners and bringing them to repentance. And he says, that he constantly asserts this, because neither of the above-mentioned elements can bring about such effects by any natural power. But if God so will, then even the smallest drop of rain that falls, or the lightest flake of snow, |519 can move with the greatest ease Olympus in Macedonia, or any other of the highest mountains, since we see God frequently make use of these events for the correction of the human race. For, although he could have suddenly divided the Red Sea, had he chosen, yet he first lashed it and roused it by a violent south wind, that at length the waters stood on this side and on that;²²² not because there is naturally any such power whatever in the south wind, but because the Divine Majesty chose to make use of it in order to carry out his will. So, also, the stroke of the rod drew fountains of water out of the stony rock,²²³ and the streams of Jordan healed the leprosy;²²⁴ not because their natural powers could produce any such effects, but because the Creator has the full and perfect use of changing all his creatures to such uses and purposes as he may please.

CHAP. 11.—After the death of Eudoxius, who had been the ruler of the sect of the Eunomians at Constantinople, Lucian, the son of the sister of Eunomius, is chosen in his room. They say that he fell into avarice and its kindred vices, and fearing that he would be punished for so doing, tore himself away from the rest of the Eunomian party, though he remained at the head of his own band of followers, heading no inconsiderable a multitude, inasmuch as all persons of doubtful character, and who were stained with vices, flocked together to his party.

CHAP. 12.—The emperor Honorius took Constantius, his Master of the Soldiery, as partner of his throne, on account of his near relationship, when Placidia had borne him his son Valentinian.²²⁵ On this Valentinian the dignity of "Most Noble" was conferred by Honorius. Accordingly, the images of Constantius were sent into the East, in accordance with the ancient custom of those who had been recently raised to the purple. But Theodosius, disapproving of the nomination of Constantius, would not admit his images: and when Constantius was preparing to avenge this insult by arms, death came upon him and freed him from his life and his cares, when he had reigned about six months.

CHAP. 13.—During the tenth consulship of the emperor Theodosius, and the thirteenth of Honorius, the latter was |520 carried off by dropsy. John, having seized upon the imperial power, sent an embassy to Theodosius. But they returned without accomplishing their purpose, and, moreover, having been treated with indignity, so they were sent in different directions through Propontis.²²⁶ But Placidia and Valentinian the Third, who had fled to Byzantium after the death of Honorius, were sent by Theodosius to Thessalonica. There he granted the dignity of Caesar to his cousin, at the same time intrusting the carrying on of the war against the usurper to Ardaburius, Master of the Soldiery, and his son Aspar. These passed across Pannonia and Illyricum, with Placidia and Valentinian in their train, and took by storm Salonas, a city of Dalmatia. After this, Ardaburius set out with his naval reinforcements to oppose the usurper; while Aspar took under his command the cavalry: anticipating all suspicions by the suddenness of his attack, he seized on Aquileia, a very considerable city, Placidia and Valentinian being still in his train. Here, indeed, he took a very large city without any labour or cost. But Ardaburius was surprised by a violent wind, which threw him, with two of his triremes, into the hands of the usurper, who treated Ardaburius most kindly because he had an eye to a treaty. He enjoyed perfect liberty, and excited against the usurper some of his inferior officers who were already ripe for a revolt. At the same time he sent private instructions to his son Aspar to come to him as if to celebrate an immediate victory. He speedily arrived with his cavalry, and in a light encounter John was taken prisoner, (for he was betrayed by the treachery of those who were about him,) and led away to Aquileia to Placidia and Valentinian. There his right hand was cut off, and soon afterwards he was beheaded; having held his usurped power for about a year and a half, when Theodosius despatched Valentinian to Rome and proclaimed him emperor,

CHAP. 14.—Aetius, one of the generals of the usurper John, arrived three days after the death of the latter, bringing with him much about sixty thousand barbarian troops, whom he had succeeded in hiring as auxiliaries; he at once engaged in battle with the forces of Aspar, and many fell on both sides. After this Aetius made a treaty with Placidia and Valeutinian, and was promoted to the dignity of a count.  |521 On the payment of a sum of gold, the barbarians laid down their arms and returned to their own homes, after a mutual interchange of hostages and promises of fidelity.

END OF THE EXTRACTS FROM THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF PHILOSTORGIUS.

FRAGMENTS OF PHILOSTORGIUS.

CONCERNING APOLLINARIUS,²²⁷ BASIL, AND GREGORY OF NAZIANZUM, AS GIVEN IN SUIDAS UNDER THOSE NAMES, IN THE WORDS OF PHILOSTORGIUS.

AT those times flourished Apollinarius at Laodicea in Syria, Basil at Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregory at Nazianzum, which is a station on the road through Cappadocia. These three individuals were strenuous in their defence of the consubstantial faith against the doctrine of dissimilarity of substance, and so wholly confuted all those who previously and up to my own day were leaders of that heresy, that Athanasius must be judged a mere child in comparison with them. For they were very great proficients in that kind of instruction which is called "external," or "profane," and they had great knowledge of whatever contributed to the deep study and remembrance of the Scriptures; this was the case most especially with Apollinarius, for he was skilled also in Hebrew. Moreover, each of them, in his own particular matter, was excellent in his style of writing and speaking; Apollinarius being first in that kind which is best adapted to commentaries; Basil being the most splendid in panegyrical discourses; while the style of Gregory, as compared with both of them, would rank higher as a composition. Apollinarius was the more copious, Basil the weightier, in his speech, And whilst they were endowed with such talents for speaking and writing, |522 they exhibited in their lives a character well fitted to draw a multitude to imitate themselves; so that those who beheld them and heard their speech, and read their writings, were all of them drawn over to their communion, as many at least as could easily be persuaded by any of their arguments.

CONCERNING PANEAS AND THE JORDAN.

AT the farthest confines of Palestine, near where Phoenicia commences, there is situated a city formerly called Dan, after the tribe to which it belonged. Here some wanderers, cut off from the rest of their race at a distant period, settled down for some time., taking possession of the district around, built a town at its extreme border, and assumed to themselves the name of Phylarchs. This was the farthest point of Judaea on the side of Phoenicia. Herod the Great, in later times, built this city, and changed its name to that of Caesarea Philippi; now, however, it is called Paneas, from a statue of Pan which was placed within its confines. In this town of Paneas rises one of the two fountains of the Jordan, (for it has two sources,) which is even now called "Dan," after the ancient name of the place. The other fountain, which is called "Jor," is about 160 stadia distant, and takes its rise out of the side of a hill. From each of these fountains ²²⁸ flows a river, the one called Jorates and the other Danites. Descending from their hills, these rivers descend into a plain, where they join their waters, and, flowing in a single channel, form the river Jordan. This river henceforth mingles together alike the waters and the names of both, and flows through the lake of Tiberias, dividing it in the midst, and finding its way to the opposite continent, maintaining throughout an uniform size and width. Thence it flows through the whole of Palestine, and is at length absorbed in the sea which is called the Dead Sea, where it disappears.

CONCERNING AGAPETUS.

AGAPETUS, bishop of Synada, whom Eusebius Pamphilus²²⁹ celebrates with the highest praises, commemorating his wondrous |523 and surpassing miracles, used to change the situation of mountains and the courses of rivers, and to raise the dead to life. He says also, that the emperor Maximin wished to kill him while he was still a soldier, as a Christian, because he had found many who were so taken with admiration of the wonderful works which were done by Agapetus, that he left the worship of heathen gods and came over to the Christian faith.²³⁰

CONCERNING AETIUS.

AETIUS of Antioch in Syria, whose pupil was Eunomius, was born in Antioch, a city of Syria, of parents both poor and humble. His father had been enrolled among the military ranks, and having been unfortunate in his affairs, died early, leaving him quite a child. Reduced to the extreme of penury, he began to practise the art of gilding, and arrived at great eminence in his line. But the bent of genius led him to loftier aspirations, and he applied his mind to the study of logic. At first he was a pupil of Paulinus, who had been shortly before translated to Antioch from the city of Tyre, while Constantine was still emperor. While Aetius was his pupil, he showed no small grasp of intellect in disputations against those to whom he was opposed in the schools, and his attack was almost beyond all endurance. At length Paulinus died, and was succeeded by Eulalius as the twenty-third successor of the apostles ²³¹ in the see of Antioch. Hereupon many of those who had been convicted by Aetius, feeling indignant at being conquered and defeated by a stripling and a common artisan, formed a combination against him, and expelled him from Antioch. Accordingly, on being rejected, Aetius betook himself to Anazarbus, and in a very short time, having learned all the science and faculty of logic, he continually showed fruits far superior to the rudimental and elementary instructions which he had received from others. Meantime, however, he did not cease to censure and refute his adversaries, though he wore but a thin and scanty cloak, and lived upon very humble and ordinary food.^{232  |524}

CONCERNING AUXENTIUS.

AUXENTIUS, bishop of Mopsuestia, was one of the confessors. He was one of the number of those who were distinguished as soldiers in the palace of the emperor Licinius, being one of his scribes, or, as the Romans call them, notaries. His confession was made in the following way. In a certain court of the imperial palace stood a fountain, and above it a statue of Bacchus, and around it a large vine which covered and overshadowed the entire place. When Licinius had gone thither for the purpose of mental recreation, followed by a numerous train of attendants from the palace, and among others by Auxentius, he cast his eyes upon the vine, and happening to see a bunch of grapes of prodigious size and beauty, as it hung down from the branches of the vine, he ordered Auxentius to cut it. Forthwith Auxentius, without any suspicion of what was about to follow, cut off the bunch of grapes. Licinius then turned to him and said, "Place this before the feet of Bacchus." To this Auxentius answered, "By no means, O emperor; I am a Christian." On hearing this Licinius said, "Go then away; you are discharged from the service, for one of two things you must do." Auxentius delayed not a moment, but without delay threw aside his belt, and gladly took his departure from the palace, ungirded, just as he was. Not long afterwards, the supervisors ²³³ appointed him bishop of Mopsuestia. His younger brother was Theodore, who had taught rhetoric at Athens, and who afterwards obtained the bishopric of Tarsus. For Aetius being accustomed even aforetime to teach Eunomius,²³⁴ and others who were of higher than ordinary talent, as soon as he promoted Eunomius to the degree of a professor, made him act instead of himself as a master and teacher, as well of others as those who were more |525 perfectly advanced in learning and instruction, while he himself was ever ready to teach others the elements and first principles. But Eunomius was considered as by far his superior in improving and building upon the foundations previously laid, and in giving perspicuous and eloquent interpretations.²³⁵

CONCERNING EUDOXIUS.

EUDOXIUS, bishop of Antioch, carne originally from Arabyssus, a town of Lesser Armenia. His father, Caesarius, had obtained the crown of martyrdom during the reign of the emperor Maximin, although previously he had shown himself addicted to vicious pleasures. But he studied to wash out the stains of his early life in the blood of martyrdom. For when his executioners had pierced both of his feet with six huge nails, they cast him on a funeral pile; and because he expired while yet on his way to the flames, his relations carried off his body from the pile, when it was still entire and only partially burnt, and buried it in a field called Subel.²³⁶

CONCERNING THEOPHILUS.

THIS Theophilus returned from India and took up his abode at Antioch, without having the care of any particular church as his own, but acting as a common bishop, so that at his will he visited all churches as his own; the emperor exhibiting towards him all possible respect and reverence, and the rest whom he visited receiving him with great alacrity, and admiring the excellence of his virtue. This was so great and so noble, that no one can do justice to it in terms; it was, so to speak, a correct copy of that of the apostles. They say that while he was at Antioch, he raised to life again a certain Jewess : such at least is the assertion of Thalassius, who lived with him for many years, and has never been suspected of falsehood in matters of this nature; and who, moreover, has very many persons who lived at the time, and who were eye-witnesses of the miracle.

CONCERNING LEONTIUS.

LEONTIUS, bishop of Tripolis, a city of Lydia, was sprung from a Moesian tribe, dwelling on the banks of the Danube, |526 the same that Homer calls a0gxi/maxoi,²³⁷ that is " fighting in close combat," This Leontius is claimed by the impious Philostorgius, in his seventh book,²³⁸ as inclined to the Arian party, of which he was himself an adherent. He had an only son, and perceiving in him no signs of a good disposition, he obtained by prayer from God that he should depart this life while still very young; judging that it would be better to die, and to be removed from the uncertain dangers and chances of this life, before he could do anything sinful and disgraceful. They also called him the "Rule of the Church," on account of the extreme freedom which he used in his opinions, and in his speech towards all alike. On one occasion, when a synod of bishops was convened, and the empress Eusebia, and wife of Constantius, was Saluted by the rest of the bishops, he alone of them all remained at home, and paid no regard to her whatever. The empress being enraged at this, and boiling with indignation, sent to him one of her attendants, with the endeavour to conciliate him, partly by reproaches and partly by enticing promises, and saying that she would build him a large church, and add to it a large sum of money besides, if he would only come to visit her. Leontius answered her in the following terms : "If you have the desire of performing any of these promises which you make to me, my empress, be assured that you will be gratifying your own inclination rather than me. But if you really wish me to come and salute you, I will do so, provided the due and customary reverence for the bishop be shown; I mean, that when I enter the room, you will come down from your lofty throne, and meet me with respect, bending your head down to my hands in order to receive my episcopal benediction. Next, that I shall sit down, and you stand in a respectful attitude; sitting clown when I bid you and give you the signal for so doing. If you choose to do all this, I will willingly come to you; but if not, you will never give me presents sufficiently ample and magnificent to induce me to abate one particle of the honour which is due to bishops, and be willing to violate the divine laws of the priesthood." The queen, on receiving this message, grew white with the vehemence of her rage; and would not patiently submit to have such an answer brought back to her from Leontius. And being violently excited with wrath, and agitated in mind, |527 and having used those threats which accord with the light and excitable disposition of a woman, she related the matter to her husband, and demanded revenge. He, however, thought that the freedom of speech used by Leontius was rather to be admired; so he calmed down the rage of his wife, and sent her back to her own apartment. Likewise on another occasion, when Constantius was presiding in an assembly of bishops, and wanted to enter all the churches at his will, while all the rest received the words of the emperor with admiration and applause, and said that he had done everything right, Leontius alone held his tongue and was silent. And when the emperor asked him why he alone of all kept silence, Leontius answered thus : "I am astonished that you, who are set over matters of one kind, to administer them, should take in hand the administration of others which are distinct from them : and that when the care of military and civil matters has been intrusted to you, you should dictate to bishops in matters which appertain to the office of a bishop alone." On hearing these words, Constantius was fairly abashed and overcome with shame, and ceased thenceforth to act and to command on behalf of the state in matters of this kind.²³⁹

CONCERNING DEMOPHILUS.

DEMOPHILUS, bishop of Constantinople, was a man who was accustomed to mingle everything together in his mad impetuosity, and who, like some wild and rapid torrent,²⁴⁰ rolled along much mud and filth in his discourses, as any one might easily detect from the first sermon which he delivered at Constantinople. Now, in this discourse, it is probable that he would have been more than usually accurate and diligent, considering that these kind of discourses are taken down by notaries. Certainly, in his commentaries extant to the present day, he is very confused and indistinct in his positions; and, discussing concerning the Father and the Son, he thus speaks in learned terms. "The Son was begotten by the will of the Father alone, without time and without means, so that he is the minister and servant of the commands of the Father. For God foresaw that all those things which he was about to create, |528 could not exist, inasmuch as they were to be of a kind pure and unmixed, like God himself who created them. And so it was necessary that all created beings should become gods according to the dignity of their Creator; from whence it would follow that there would be a plurality of gods. Or certainly it was necessary that all things should be straightway dissolved as soon as made, just as though they were placed near the hottest fire. On this account, the Son existed as a medium between the creatures who were to be created and the Father from whom he is begotten; so that abasing himself, and joining and uniting himself to those things which were to be created, he might fulfil the Divine will, and become the Mediator between God and us men who are created by him." But Demophilus does not perceive that in these words he falsely attributes weakness and envy to the Supreme God, and that he makes the Son to be of a lower condition than the rest of his creatures. For the Father himself must needs be weak, according to the opinion of Demophilus, inasmuch as though he wished to impart his essence to all created beings, he could not effect his design afterwards. But he would by no means be free from evil will, if, when it was in his power to make all his creatures gods, he studiously abstained from making his creatures of the same condition and dignity with himself. And, moreover, there would be none of his creatures who would not appear to be more perfect and happy than the Son himself, if indeed he was begotten not as his own end, but for the contemplation and use of his own creatures. For whatever exists for the use of something else, must needs be inferior to that for which it is created. And many other mad dreams of the same kind does Demophilus set forth in his writings.²⁴¹

THE END.

This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 9th July 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.

Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.